Sunday, March 16, 2025

Six Degrees of Луизиана

Earlier this week, in “The Red Pelican,” The Bayou Brief reported on the multiple connections that Louisiana has with the ongoing investigation into Russian interference in the 2016 elections.

In the past two days, thanks to the intrepid reporting of David Hammer of WWL in New Orleans, Lily Dobrovolskaya of Transparency International in Russia, and Seth Hettena, the author of Trump/Russia: A Definitive History, more connections have emerged, and they are arguably much more troubling than what we had previously known.

Hettena, in an opinion column for The New York Times, reveals that the Trump administration quietly “eased its pressure on Rusal, Russia’s largest aluminum company, less than four months after sanctions on it and its notorious leader were imposed.”

That “notorious leader” is an oligarch and trusted ally of Vladimir Putin named Oleg Deripaska. Hettena provides some background on Deripaska:

AS THE TREASURY DEPARTMENT ACKNOWLEDGES, HE HAS BEEN INVESTIGATED FOR MONEY LAUNDERING AND ACCUSED OF THREATENING THE LIVES OF BUSINESS RIVALS, ILLEGALLY WIRETAPPING A GOVERNMENT OFFICIAL AND TAKING PART IN EXTORTION AND RACKETEERING. THERE ARE ALSO ALLEGATIONS, MADE PUBLIC BY THE TREASURY DEPARTMENT’S OFFICE OF FOREIGN ASSETS CONTROL, THAT MR. DERIPASKA BRIBED A GOVERNMENT OFFICIAL, ORDERED THE MURDER OF A BUSINESSMAN AND HAD LINKS TO A RUSSIAN ORGANIZED CRIME GROUP. DURING THE 2016 PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN, PAUL MANAFORT, THEN MR. TRUMP’S CAMPAIGN MANAGER, TRIED TO OFFER MR. DERIPASKA PRIVATE BRIEFINGS ABOUT THE CAMPAIGN.

So what does this have to do with Louisiana?

Three months ago, Rusal’s holding company hired a D.C.-based lobbying firm named Mercury Public Affairs for $108,500 a month to help it negotiate with the U.S. Department of Treasury.

That firm is led by none other than the former U.S. Senator from Louisiana, David Bruce Vitter.

“Vitter is far from the only former Louisiana politician (to) go through the revolving door, and he’s not (the) first to represent questionable characters,” columnist Stephanie Grace notes in The Advocate. “Former U.S. Rep. Bob Livingston, for example, once represented the Libyan government under Muammar el-Qaddafi.” (Vitter was first elected to Congress after Livingston stepped down in disgrace).

It appears that Vitter’s lobbying efforts on behalf of the Russian company and Deripaska have been largely successful so far: On Tuesday, the federal government granted Deripaska more time to divest his ownership interests from 70% to below 50%, a requirement of U.S. sanctions first enacted in April.

Vitter is not the only Louisiana lobbyist who is currently representing a Russian oligarch.

As David Hammer first reported yesterday for WWL, the New Orleans-area CBS affiliate, Vitter’s former, long-time chief of staff and campaign manager, Kyle Ruckert, is a registered lobbyist for the deceptively-named company American Ethane.

According to disclosure forms filed in late July, American Ethane is controlled by three Russian oligarchs with direct ties to Vladimir Putin, including Putin’s former chief of staff. Its single-largest shareholder is Konstantin Nikolaev, a billionaire who funded the guns rights organization founded by Maria Butina, the woman currently accused by the U.S. of acting as a covert agent of the Russian government.

Ruckert first registered as a lobbyist for American Ethane in October of 2017, though his earlier filings did not reveal the fact that the company was primarily owned by foreign investors, a violation of the Lobbying Disclosure Act of 1995.

Ruckert is earning approximately $7,000 a month from the company.

Although American Ethane was first incorporated in Dallas, Texas in 2014, its founder and CEO is a prominent lawyer in New Orleans, John Houghtaling. (The company is now headquartered in Houston, in a building it shares, ironically, with U.S. Customs and Border Protection).

Russian billionaires, according to Hammer’s report, provided the vast majority of the seed money for the company, which initially had grand plans of building a controversial petrochemical plant in St. James Parish.

The deal ultimately fell through.

Although Houghtaling may not be a particularly familiar name in Louisiana, almost everyone likely knows about his residence.

Houghtaling owns one of the most iconic homes in Louisiana, a 22,000 square foot “Richardsonian Romanesque Revival mansion” on St. Charles Avenue in New Orleans, formerly known as the Villere Mansion.

According to a comprehensive search of federal campaign records, Houghtaling has, in past years, been a major contributor to Democratic campaigns. He made a maximum donation to Hillary Clinton’s campaign for President in 2016 and had even donated to her first Senate campaign in New York in 2000.

However, during the past twelve months, Houghtaling has become a prominent booster of Louisiana Republicans.

In addition to donations to U.S. Senators Bill Cassidy and John Neely Kennedy and to Rep. Steve Scalise, all Republicans from Louisiana, Houghtaling also contributed to the campaign and the leadership fund of Sen. Lindsey Graham, who currently serves as the chairman of the Senate Appropriations Subcommittee on State, Foreign Operations, and Related Programs.

Notably, he also donated to Sen. Robert Menendez, a Democrat from New Jersey; Menendez is currently the ranking member of the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations.

During the spring and early summer of 2017, the time he was making many of these donations, Houghtaling was negotiating a $26 billion deal with the Nanshan Group, a Chinese energy company.

“As those lobbyists worked for American Ethane in the halls of power, Louisiana’s two U.S. senators, Bill Cassidy and John Kennedy, were contacting the U.S. Commerce Department to draw attention to a massive 20-year, $26 billion ethane export deal the company had negotiated with Chinese energy firm Nanshan Group,” Hammer reported.

In a press release issued by American Ethane, the deal is described as a “binding agreement to deliver ethane gas from a terminal on the Texas Gulf Coast to a new ethylene plant in China….”

The deal was finalized in June of 2017, and it was formerly celebrated by President Donald Trump and President Xi Jinping at a signing ceremony during a trade summit in Beijing last November.

American Ethane boasted that the deal was “one of the largest at the November 2017 trade summit.” No one acknowledged that this so-called “American” company was actually owned by three Russian oligarchs.

Ruckert, who had signed on as a lobbyist only a month before the summit, did not disclose the company’s foreign ownership interests until July 20th of this year.

There are two other connections that deserve attention.

Kyle Ruckert isn’t the only former Chief of Staff in his family. Ruckert’s wife Lynnel also has extensive experience on Capitol Hill.

“(Lynnel Ruckert) previously spent 15 years in Washington – working as an aide on the U.S House Energy and Commerce Committee Chairman Billy Tauzin, a scheduler to U.S. Representative David Vitter, a legislative aide to U.S. Representative Bobby Jindal, and Chief of Staff for U.S. House Majority Whip Steve Scalise,” her biography states (emphasis added).

Today, while her husband lobbies on behalf of a Russian-owned ethane company, Lynnel is working for a client right here in Louisiana, state Attorney General Jeff Landry.

She is currently Landry’s director of the Administrative Services Division at the Louisiana Department of Justice.

Four months ago, she and her husband had the chance to tour the “grandest” and “most imposing” home in New Orleans. Her boss was holding a fundraiser, and the host was the home’s owner, John Houghtaling II.

Update: A reader points out that American Ethane Company has made a string of other donations to Louisiana Republican officials, including Congressmen Garret Graves and Mike Johnson.

In April, the company also donated $5,000 to Pelican PAC and, two weeks later, $15,000 to Conservative Louisiana, both of which are political action committees affiliated with Sen. John Kennedy.

Conservative Louisiana is led by the lobbyist for the Russian-owned company, American Ethane, a political operative described as the “principal architect for former U.S. Sen. David Vitter,” Kyle Ruckert.

It is against federal law for a campaign to accept contributions from a foreign-owned corporation, a foreign national, or any LLC owned or controlled by foreign nationals.

It Starts with F and Ends with C, K

[aesop_collection collection=”510″ limit=”6″ columns=”2″ splash=”off” order=”default” loadmore=”off” showexcerpt=”on” revealfx=”off”] [dropcap]P[/dropcap]eople have been blowing up the earth to harvest her minerals for 150 years, so why is hydraulic fracturing – also known as “fracking” – still controversial in many locations (though less so in Louisiana)? As Chris Tucker of “Energy In Depth” (a project of the Independent Petroleum Association) told NPR in January 2013, “It starts with F, ends in C, K. It sort of has this naughty connotation to it.” He added, “Fracking has been distilled down to a curse word.” And like marriage, which some have described as “legalized and contractual…” let’s just say, “sexual relations,” Louisiana has embraced fracking. After all, as the Garth Brooks song says, “It pays big money, and we’re all into that.” Perhaps we should qualify that statement, though: it “pays big money” to some. At the height of the Haynesville Shale drilling frenzy in 2009, northwest Louisiana landowners were receiving as much as $30,000 per acre in lease bonuses. The average, one year before. had been $150 per acre. An online publication, thepineywoods.com (now thedodsontimes.com), published an article on the shale leasing “frenzy,” quoting Shreveport attorney “Allen Senbaugh” (now better known as state Rep. Alan Seabaugh) warning, “Landowners are advised to seek professional guidance before leasing land. I have clients who have received $100 or $200 per acre for their Haynesville Shale leases that are worth $24,000 to $30,000 per acre, and it is reported that 5,000 oil and gas ‘lease hounds’ are ‘beating the bushes’ to lease up the Haynesville Shale rights for a pittance of what they are worth.” Why were the drilling companies tripping over themselves and each other to buy up leases in the Haynesville Shale? Oil prices were running $100 per barrel, and natural gas had been selling for nearly $13 per million BTU. But there was also Louisiana’s “sweetheart deal” on severance taxes. [aesop_image img=”https://www.bayoubrief.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/08/Cherrington-History-HDD-2.jpg” panorama=”off” align=”center” lightbox=”on” caption=” Cherrington’s first HDD rig build for a river crossing, shown here working on a series of river crossing projects for Dow Chemical in Louisiana in the early 1970s.” captionposition=”center” revealfx=”off” overlay_revealfx=”off”]
[dropcap]H[/dropcap]orizontal drilling was pioneered by Martin Cherrington, who developed it for laying utility services in California in the mid-60s. In 1971, Louisiana’s Dow Chemical plant made headlines when it contracted with Cherrington to drill and lay 2000 feet of 24-inch pipeline beneath the Atchafalaya River – and he was successful. In 1994, deep horizontal drilling was still considered to be “experimental”, then Governor Edwin Edwards got behind a bill granting a two-year rebate of severance tax for minerals extracted through the new process, hoping to encourage it. State economists predicted it would have little effect on state revenue, and for nearly 15 years, they were right. But when fracking technology was added to horizontal drilling to tap oil and gas deposits in deep shale formations, then boom! Since the Haynesville Shale boom began in 2008, Louisiana has now foregone more than $2-billion in severance taxes. The oil and gas industry loves the 2-year exemption, because fracked wells deliver 90% of their minerals within the first three years, with a steep decline in production after that. As Gifford Briggs with the Louisiana Oil and Gas Association said in 2015, “These types of wells operate for relatively short periods of time. They never last the two years the exemption is available on each well.” In 2015, the Louisiana legislature modified the 100% severance tax exemption for horizontal wells, but it only goes into effect if the previous year’s average price for oil exceeds $70 per barrel and the prior year’s average price for natural gas goes over $4.50 per million BTU. The exemption drops down on a sliding scale based on the oil and gas prices, falling to zero if and when oil sells – for a year – at over $110 per barrel and/or natural gas goes above $7.00. None of that has happened yet. The simplified (and relatively harmless-sounding) explanation of hydraulic fracturing is that it is merely glorified sandblasting – delivering sand suspended in liquid, under pressure, to peel open the layers of shale, just like removing layers of paint. Shale, which is soft, stratified sedimentary rock formed from layers of clay or mud, can be split open along its fragile slabs – like layers of paint being peeled. Oil and gas, trapped between the layers, is then released and brought back up the well to the surface. Unlike sandblasting paint, however, which is done at a pressure of between 50 and 90 pounds per square inch (psi), hydraulic fracturing requires pressures of around 9000 psi. And it’s being done two to three miles below the earth’s surface. The “controlled explosion” of the subsurface shale by hydraulic fracturing has created clusters of earthquakes in areas that had never been subject to them before: Pennsylvania, Ohio, southern Colorado, central Arkansas, multiple parts of Texas, and – most notably – in Oklahoma. In September 2016, the U.S. Geological Survey (USGS) registered a 5.6 temblor epicentered near Pawnee, OK, which rattled residents in six surrounding states. These “induced earthquakes” now mean Oklahoma is comparable to California for hazards of structural damage due to earthquakes. [aesop_image img=”https://www.bayoubrief.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/08/offshore-fracking-wells.jpg” panorama=”off” align=”center” lightbox=”on” caption=”Offshore fracking wells in the Louisiana Gulf Coast.” captionposition=”center” revealfx=”off” overlay_revealfx=”off”] And on May 6 this year, the USGS recorded a 4.6 earthquake off the Louisiana coast, south-southeast of Buras. There are more than a thousand fracked wells in the Gulf, off Louisiana’s coast. BP’s Deepwater Horizon (of the 2010 explosion, 11 deaths, and massive spill infamy) was one of them. The USGS maintains the quakes are not primarily caused by fracking itself, rather by disposal of “wastewater” afterward. The makeup of that “wastewater”, also known as “proppant” – and the quantity of it requiring disposal – will be explored in part two of our series.

Offseason Position Battle: Running Backs

The running back position once again became a focal point of the Saints offense last year, with Mark Ingram and Alvin Kamara each accumulating over 1,500 yards from scrimmage. They’re expected to continue in such a role next year, and the biggest questions regard which running backs will back them up and fill in. Trey Edmunds’ nine carries last year are the most returning to the roster. I don’t need to tell you too much about those guys, I’m sure, but let’s look at how the other offseason additions might fit into the roster… Currently on roster: Mark Ingram, Alvin Kamara, Boston Scott, Trey Edmunds, Jonathan Williams, Shane Vereen, Terrance West The most interesting wrinkle here is that Mark Ingram will be suspended for the first four games this season. That creates a scenario where Alvin Kamara will move into the primary role in the backfield. Still, it’s unlikely the Saints will want to overload Kamara early in the year, and instead will use one of the other backs to complement him. Scott is the most likely candidate for that job, as the Saints spent a sixth-round pick on him in this year’s draft; the others were brought in through free agency on minimal investments. The diminutive Scott, generously listed at 5’7″, will likely remind Saints fans of Darren Sproles at first glance, though he’s built a bit sturdier than that. Scott shows some excellent body control and ability to maintain balance and movement through contact, a key skill that’s difficult to measure traditionally but can prove a valuable part of a running back’s success. (Kareem Hunt’s breakout from a third-round rookie draft pick into the league’s leading rusher last year is in part explained by his ability to maintain his balance and keep moving forward after taking a hit.) Scott also has the burst to hit holes quickly and the top-end speed to break a play wide open once he gets to the second and third level. He also seems to have the necessary traits to be a receiving back out of the backfield, though he wasn’t used that way very often in college. (Of course, for him to truly be a Sproles clone, he’ll have to be an excellent receiver.) That versatility is key to the Saints’ running back attack: Though Ingram is primarily the back between the tackles and Kamara primarily the receiving back, either one can serve in either function, keeping defenses guessing. Scott seems like a player who may possess both of those capabilities as well. With Ingram hitting unrestricted free agency getting up there in age (he’ll be 29 by the end of this year), it’s likely the Saints selected Scott with the idea of pairing him with Kamara as the lead back. All that seems to indicate that these first four games will be an audition for Scott in that role. Trey Edmunds’ nine carries are the most any tailback behind Ingram or Kamara had for the Saints last year (save the handful Adrian Peterson accrued before he was traded), and he has value on special teams. Terrance West is a former third-round draft pick who has played on three teams in four years previously and is mostly notable for losing his playing time to undrafted or street free agents (first Isaiah Crowell in Cleveland, then Alex Collins in Baltimore). Shane Vereen is a veteran best known for his pass-catching abilities; he was signed after the Saints released Daniel Lasco with an injured designation, indicating he is not healthy from last year’s neck injury. Jonathan Williams is a back with some talent who fell out of favor in Buffalo after only one year, eventually landing on the Saints’ roster in 2017 but never playing a game. Roster Prediction: Mark Ingram*, Alvin Kamara, Boston Scott, Trey Edmunds, Jonathan Williams / Shane Vereen** The prediction is a little unusual here, so I’ll explain. Were the situation normal, I’d guess that Ingram, Kamara, Scott, and Edmunds would be the backs. Edmunds showed valuable special-teams skill last year in addition to his performance as a late-game fill-in. The team barely used a third tailback last year; I don’t think they need too many carries out of the position, but Scott is better than Edmunds in that regard and can also contribute on special teams, having returned kicks in college. However, Ingram’s suspension muddies the waters a little, in part because of contract rules in the NFL. By NFL rules, a “vested veteran”– one with four years of accrued service– has their entire contract guaranteed if they are on the 53-man roster for a week 1 game. This means that someone like Vereen is difficult to keep on roster week 1. While his abilities as a receiving back would be useful in case Scott wasn’t ready or the team didn’t want to overload Kamara, it’s very unlikely the Saints want to guarantee a full season’s salary to a 29-year-old part-time fill-in. For that reason, my projection is that Williams will make the roster as the fourth tailback week 1; he’ll be replaced by Vereen weeks 2-4; then Vereen will be cut when Ingram returns. It’s a few wrinkles to a position that was pretty straightforward once they worked out the kinks last year; in the end, though, the biggest news here is the addition of Scott. I’d still expect Ingram and Kamara to get the lion’s share of work, barring injuries or unless Scott turns out to be significantly better than expected. Next time: Training camp has started, so we may shift focus to some reports from there. If not, we’ll take a look at another position.

Big Oil loses effort to consolidate Louisiana coastal restoration litigation

[dropcap]T[/dropcap]his afternoon, following an eight-minute long hearing on July 26th in Sante Fe, New Mexico, five federal judges on the United States Judicial Panel on Multidistrict Litigation (MDL) denied a motion filed on behalf of thirteen oil and gas corporations, which had sought to consolidate dozens of different lawsuits related to coastal land loss and damages in Louisiana. [aesop_image img=”https://www.bayoubrief.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/07/Screen-Shot-2018-07-31-at-5.58.35-PM.png” panorama=”off” align=”center” lightbox=”on” captionposition=”center” revealfx=”off” overlay_revealfx=”off”]

Download the full decision here.

(The Bayou Brief first reported on the pending motion on July 1st in “Wildcatting: Inside the Legal Strategy of Big Oil in Louisiana.”) The MDL panel’s decision represents a significant victory for the State of Louisiana and specifically for Keith Stutes, the district attorney for Lafayette, Acadia, and Vermillion parishes, and a victory for Plaquemines, Jefferson, Cameron, and St. Bernard parishes. The cases all variously allege, among other things, that these corporations, by illegally violating or not complying with their permits, are at least partially responsible and liable for potentially billions of dollars in environmental damages to the state’s vulnerable coast. The litigation involves some of the largest and most profitable companies on the planet- BP, Exxon-Mobil, Chevron, and ConocoPhillips, who have relied on a series of procedural (and sometimes contradictory) motions to delay trials, in some cases for nearly five years. The industry has previously admitted it is liable for approximately 36% of “wetlands loss in southeastern Louisiana.” Although the 42 separate cases remain in federal court, split between the Western and Eastern Districts of Louisiana, the plaintiffs are expected to request they all be remanded back to state court, as they all primarily involve questions of state law. The decision to request centralization (or consolidation) of the cases was largely seen as a dilatory effort, according to independent legal experts. The industry’s lawyers had previously argued that the cases should be considered individually, a position with which the plaintiffs had agreed. Two different attorneys involved in the litigation used the same word to The Bayou Brief to describe the industry’s appeal to the MDL panel: “charade.” The five judges on the panel apparently agreed. “The (panel) had no trouble recognizing the most recent efforts of large oil corporations to postpone a trial through procedural maneuvering,” attorney Richard Broussard told The Bayou Brief. “Their effort to further stall a judgment requiring them to clean up their mess was soundly rejected.” The denial was authored by Judge Midge Rendell, the former First Lady of Pennsylvania and the wife of Gov. Ed Rendell, and was joined by- among others- Judge Charles Breyer, the younger brother of U.S. Supreme Court Justice Stephen Breyer, and Judge R. David Proctor, a conservative appointee of George W. Bush in Alabama. [dropcap]D[/dropcap]uring the past five years, lobbyists, political action committees, and nonprofit organizations affiliated with Big Oil have engaged in a multimillion dollar, coordinated public relations campaign, which has been largely focused on smearing the lawyers representing the plaintiffs and spreading disinformation and industry-funded reports alleging that the economic impacts of the litigation would be catastrophic. There is no evidence at all that the litigation has negatively impacted the industry or the state’s economy. As The Bayou Brief previously reported in “Rigged: The Lies and Contradictions of Big Oil’s Campaign Against Protecting and Restoring Louisiana’s Coast,” Don Briggs, the former executive director of the Louisiana Oil and Gas Association (LOGA), admitted in a sworn deposition that he could not identify a single job lost as a consequence of the litigation. (Briggs’s son Gifford now serves as LOGA’s director). Indeed, the central argument that the litigation could result in job losses seems to be based entirely off of an off-the-cuff guess made by an Exxon executive. Moreover, the law clearly states that 100% of any potential award for damages would be provided to the state, under a supervised use agreement, and would be exclusively dedicated to fund coastal restoration projects. Attorneys for the plaintiffs, if successful in a separate round of litigation, would only be compensated based on their merit and the expenses they have incurred. Attorneys for the defendants, however, have already raked in millions in fees. “What (these companies) did was unlawful,” Broussard said. “Ultimately, Big Oil and not the taxpayers of our state must fund the restoration of their damage.”

The Red Pelican

In June of 2014, as a part of their fact-finding tour of America and after coordinating with a political operative from Texas, Aleksandra Krylova and Anna Bogacheva, both Russian nationals, made a stop in Louisiana, according to the allegations listed in an indictment handed down by Special Counsel Robert Mueller this February.

Mueller hasn’t yet specified where or with whom the women visited while in the Bayou State, but clearly, they weren’t here to party on Bourbon Street. They were allegedly in Louisiana to collect “intelligence” in advance of the 2016 presidential election.

Aside from New York, no other state in the country is more intimately connected to the Mueller investigation than Louisiana.

A month after Mueller issued the indictments against Krylova and Bogacheva (along with eleven other Russians and three affiliated Russian companies), Rep. Steve Scalise, the House Majority Whip and a Republican from Louisiana’s first district, called for the appointment of a second special counsel tasked with investigating the FBI.

Two months later, Eric Dubelier, an attorney originally from New Orleans (with three degrees from Tulane and a notorious record in the 1980s as a prosecutor under former Orleans Parish District Attorney Harry Connick, Sr.), plunged headfirst into the footnotes of American history: He decided to represent Concord Management and Consulting LLC, one of the three Russian-linked companies charged in Mueller’s indictment (and the only company with American legal counsel).

Two days after Dubelier’s involvement made news, U.S. Sen. John Neely Kennedy, also a Republican from Louisiana, demanded that Mueller end his investigation completely because it “distracts in time, energy and taxpayer money.” (This year, by the way, Sen. Kennedy spent the Fourth of July in Russia, ostensibly to help lay the diplomatic groundwork for what ended up being a disastrous meeting in Helsinki between Vladimir Putin and Donald Trump).

Six Degrees of Louisiana is a game I play on practically every story, and I also know that practically every story about a conspiracy between Russia and President Trump carries with it a stocked arsenal of ancillary conspiracies.

Still, it’s impossible to ignore the multiple connections between Louisiana, a state of only 4.7 million people, and the elaborate infrastructure allegedly established by the Russian government to help elect Donald Trump as President. The real question is: Why Louisiana?

During the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina and in the heyday of disaster capitalism, the Republican Party effectively controlled Louisiana, and at the time, it appeared they would remain in control for a least a generation.

The turnaround was astonishing: The GOP had resurrected itself from obscurity in the 1970s to complete dominance in the state only thirty years later, despite the fact that the majority of voters in Louisiana remained registered Democrats.

Historians may note that in 1979 Dave Treen became the first Republican governor of Louisiana since Reconstruction and that governors Buddy Roemer and Mike Foster also defected to the Republican Party. But Roemer was never elected as a Republican, and Foster switched parties shortly before qualifying as a candidate. It’s also worth noting that Dave Treen’s brother, John, lost the most consequential election in modern Louisiana history when a fellow Republican defeated him for a seat in the state house, despite entreaties from both Ronald Reagan and George H. W. Bush.

John Treen is now 92, and when I spoke with him a couple of years ago, the only word I knew to use to describe him was “gentleman.” He should have won that election in 1989, but instead, David Duke won. And, as a result and despite the fact that he ultimately proved himself to be an unrelenting bigot and unapologetic criminal, David Duke has remained at the epicenter of Louisiana politics ever since.

Consider this: Eight days after Donald Trump announced his candidacy for President, a bizarre spectacle that involved paid actors and a theatrical ride down an escalator, Louisiana Gov. Bobby Jindal launched his campaign. Jindal, of course, never broke through as a candidate and dropped out of the race only seven months later, but David Duke, the former klansman who had cultivated a following among the far-right in Russia- of all places, somehow became relevant again.

We do not yet know why, exactly, Aleksandra Krylova and Anna Bogacheva decided to make a pit stop in Louisiana.

The state’s media largely ignored this detail from the Mueller indictment, though at least one reporter speculated that there could be a connection between their visit in June of 2014 and the false story, apparently peddled by one of their Russian associates, of a chemical plant explosion in St. Mary Parish, Louisiana three months later.

That’s a tidy explanation, but I seriously doubt the disinformation campaign about a phony chemical plant explosion had anything to do with the reason the two Russian women tied to the Kremlin visited Louisiana.

According to the indictment, they were on a mission to collect intelligence on how to manipulate the 2016 elections, not on how to scare up people in rural Cajun Country about a disaster that almost instantly proved to have never occurred, and it is much more responsible to take the indictment at face value than to wildly speculate about alternative explanations.

The indictment strongly suggests these two women deliberately traveled here to meet with like-minded political operatives, and in my opinion, the most fascinating question in Louisiana politics is: Who were those operatives?

The second most fascinating question is: What relationships do those operatives have with elected officials in Louisiana?

It is a small state, and the universe of conservative political operatives is even smaller. But rest assured, no one mined David Duke for “intelligence” in 2014, and even though the alleged Russian spy and so-called Red Sparrow Maria Butina tried to troll Bobby Jindal, no one from Russia flew to Louisiana to meet with any of his team.

More likely than not, the people from Louisiana who met with Krylova and Bogacheva had no idea what they were doing at the time, though the picture has since probably come into full view.

When conservative Rob Maness ran for U.S. Senate in 2016, Warrior PAC, which was affiliated with members of his campaign, spent $480,000 with Cambridge Analytica to support Maness and to also support fellow Republicans Clay Higgins and Mike Johnson.

Cambridge Analytica is the firm accused of exploiting the personal data of millions of Facebook users in order to target them with disinformation.

“It might be the worst half-million dollars ever spent on a Louisiana campaign,” said John Mathis, Maness’s former campaign manager. Maness, of course, lost his race, but Higgins and Johnson are now both members of Congress.

In November of 2017, three months prior to Mueller’s indictment, Elizabeth Crisp of The Advocate dug through the more than 2,500 phony Twitter accounts that had been identified by Congress as the creation of the Russian company Internet Research Agency and found two accounts that specifically and prolifically targeted Louisiana voters during the 2016 elections. Both accounts were uniquely supportive of candidate Clay Higgins.

Later, one of the accounts even favorably shared Higgins’ offensive video tour of Auschwitz.

Perhaps all of this was ultimately inconsequential, nothing more than white noise. As someone who dealt directly with the Higgins campaign during the 2016 election, I would find it absolutely astonishing if they were even remotely aware that resources were being spent by the Russian government to support the candidacy of a viral video star who still refers to himself as “captain.”

But in this case, regardless of the intentionality, ignorance cannot be conflated with bliss, nor can it be used as an excuse for commonsense.

Two things should be certain: First, when any politician benefits at all from investments made by a foreign government (whether one wants to call it “collusion” or “meddling” or “treason” or just plain dumb luck), voters should be suspicious of any effort to shut down an investigation into those benefits.

And second, when Aleksandra Krylova and Anna Bogacheva landed at Louis Armstrong International Airport in late June of 2014, they likely didn’t rent a car and drive 100 miles to surveil a chemical plant.

More than likely, they never had to leave the confines of Jefferson Parish.

Clarification: The title of this story, “The Red Pelican,” was not intended to be a coy reference to Red Pelican Strategies, a Baton Rouge-based political consulting firm founded by a former staffer for Sen. David Vitter and Americans for Prosperity. 

WATCH HERE: The Bayou Brief moderates two congressional forums.

Yesterday, with the support of  Sue Lincoln of The Bayou Brief  and Michael McHale, a Lake Charles attorney and the First Vice Chairman of the Louisiana Democratic Party, I was proud to moderate two extensive candidate forums for Democratic candidates in Louisiana’s First and Sixth Congressional districts. We appreciate the opportunity to ask these important questions and  share the answers from the men and women who seek to become Louisiana’s next members of Congress. Hour One (District One): Tammy Savoie, Lee Ann Dugas, and Jim Francis. Hour Two (District Six): Justin Dewitt, Andie Saizan. Thank you to Stephen Handwerk and his entire team for producing this event. The Bayou Brief intends on hosting a public forum within the next two months and will be releasing details soon. Watch yesterday’s forums here:

Eeny, Meeny, Miney…Whoa!

Qualifying for Louisiana’s 2018 midterm elections is complete, and none of the congressional incumbents will go unchallenged. Familiar political faces were abundant throughout the morning of the last day of qualifying, beginning with State Representative Rick Edmonds (R-Baton Rouge) officially entering the race for Secretary of State. The former vice-president of the Louisiana Family Forum touted his experience in the state House, as he promised to bring integrity and transparency to the office. Increasing voter participation and improving security are his stated top priorities. “It’s time to build a wall around our voting process and all of our data,” he said. Edmonds joins fellow House Republican Julie Stokes (R-Kenner) and ex-state Senator A.G. Crowe (R-Mandeville) vying for the only statewide seat on the November 6 ballot — a vacancy that came about when former SOS Tom Schedler resigned in the wake of sexual harassment allegations. As he promises to be a watchdog for voters — to ensure their vote counts — Edmonds contends his work ethic sets him apart from the other candidates. That’s more than a bit of hubris, considering the fact that Stokes returned to her legislative work in February, while still recovering from her breast cancer surgery. Five other candidates added their names to the Secretary of State race Friday, too: Republican Heather Cloud of Turkey Creek, Republican Thomas Kennedy of Metairie, Democrat Gwen Collins-Greenup of Clinton, and no-party candidate Matt Moreau of Zachary. Interim Secretary of State Kyle Ardoin, who moved up to fill the post when Schedler resigned, also threw his hat in the ring at the end of the day. A Republican, he had previously stated he had no intention of seeking election to the post, but told reporters he changed his mind. “I made the final decision at 4:20, with my wife,” Ardoin stated. Qualifying closed at 4:30. Interesting note: Ardoin tweeted last month about his “44th day in office as 44th SOS”, with a selfie showing off his new vanity license plate, “SOS 44”. The other big surprise on the final day of qualifying involved the 5th District race. It wasn’t a surprise that independent Billy Burkette of Slaughter signed up to make a second attempt to unseat incumbent Ralph Abraham. It was that the man who claims to be both the chairman of the Louisiana Band of Choctaw and the tribe’s chief of police was arrested immediately after signing his papers, for allegedly “impersonating a law enforcement officer.” He was taken away in handcuffs. Abraham will not go unopposed, though. Democrat Jessee Fleenor, a farmer from Tangipahoa Parish, said he wants to offer people a choice aside from the “overpaid horse doctor” currently in office. Fleenor takes issue with Abraham — who is both a physician and a veterinarian — because of his voting record to disassemble the Affordable Care Act. “A doctor who does not believe in Medicaid is no doctor at all,” he said. Fleenor went so far as to accuse Abraham of breaking the Hippocratic oath to do no harm because he said taking medicine away from poor people is certainly doing harm. Kyle Randol, a Libertarian from Monroe, has also entered the race. Congressman Garret Graves made an early Friday appearance, becoming the day’s first incumbent to appear in person for qualifying. Others have sent staffers to register, including 3rd District Congressman Clay Higgins, qualifying by proxy on Wednesday. Thursday, Higgins put in a personal appearance at the Secretary of State, presumably to get his share of media attention. Graves touted his efforts toward federal infrastructure projects currently underway in the 6th District (which stretches from Houma north to Baton Rouge, and east through Livingston Parish), including construction on I-10 in Baton Rouge and the Comite River Diversion project. But, he says, that’s not enough. “There’s more work to be done, and I believe there’s more priorities to address,” he said. Coastal restoration is among the congressman’s priorities, should he win his re-election bid. He said legislation is moving through the process that will increase federal funding for hurricane protections along the coast. Just minutes after qualifying, Graves got another challenger for his seat. Democrat Andie Saizan of Springfield joins fellow Democrat Justin DeWitt of Baton Rouge and independent candidate Devin Graham of Gonzales on the ballot. Saizan said she is running because there’s a desperate need for change in representation of the 6th Congressional District, to better reflect the needs of its working people. She cited Graves’ views on the ACA, Medicare, and Medicaid, pointing out, “Mr. Graves voted to take away healthcare from hundreds of thousands of people in Louisiana.” If elected, Saizan plans to seek sensible solutions for healthcare. Campaign finance reform was another key issue for the congressional hopeful, as she said she will not accept PAC donations. House Majority Whip Steve Scalise also made a personal appearance on the final day of qualifying, walking in with a purple and gold crutch — just over a year after he was shot in a Virginia ballpark. He began his comments to the assembled media by saying it’s an honor to represent the 1st CD and to serve as House Majority Whip. In that role, he said it is vitally important for Republicans to maintain the majority in Congress and “not let Nancy Pelosi take back the House.” To do that, he said he will work to make permanent the tax cuts passed for the middle class and tackle regulations that impede small business growth. Metairie Democrat Lee Ann Dugas sees Scalise’s job performance differently, and signed on to challenge him. She said change is needed in Washington, and pointed to the congressional election cycle every two years as evidence of the need for continual change in leadership. She said her platforms in the race are simple: “Yes to change, yes to equality, yes to family.” Dugas joins Scalise, and Democrats Tammy Savoie and Jim Francis, who qualified Wednesday — along with Libertarian Howard Kearney. Hammond independent “Ferd” Jones signed onto the race Thursday. Mark Halverson quietly became the first candidate to qualify for the 4th District seat. With no party affiliation, the candidate got signed up ahead of incumbent Mike Johnson, who strolled into the Secretary of State’s office shortly after lunchtime. Accompanied by his entire family, the Bossier City Republican said maintaining his party’s majority in Congress is essential to keep the forward momentum the GOP has seen under the Trump Administration. If the freshman congressmen wins his second term, he said affordable and accessible healthcare will be a significant goal. Supporting the military is also at the top of his list, as his district is home to both Barksdale Air Force Base and Fort Polk. Shortly after Johnson put in his bid for re-election, a Democrat turned up to challenge him. Ryan Trundle, a Shreveport Democrat, said he wants to go to Washington to be a voice for working people. “We don’t have any representation in Congress. The millionaires do, but the working class, the middle class is left behind,” he said. Trundle said he’s running a grassroots campaign made up of volunteers. A key issue for voters he’s met is raising wages because he said working people’s salaries have been stagnant for decades. Libertarian Aaron Andrus became the 7th and final candidate in the 3rd District race, qualifying by proxy. Rufus Craig, Chairman of the Libertarian Party, registered his candidate, hoping to “give people a third choice.” The Westlake resident is seeking to unseat incumbent Clay Higgins. He joins Democrats Rob Anderson, Mimi Methvin, Larry Rader, and Verone Thomas, and Republican Josh Guillory on the ballot in southwest Louisiana.

Baptism by Fire: A Controversial Chemical Plant in the Center of Cancer Alley

By Julie Dermansky What should be done about a chemical plant in Louisiana’s St. John the Baptist Parish that releases chloroprene — a chemical so toxic that the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) determined nearby residents face the highest risk in the country of developing cancer from air pollution? The answer is simple, according to Retired Lt. Gen. Russel Honoré: “Fix it, move it, or shut it down.” Honoré is the founder of the Green Army, a coalition of environmental groups and concerned citizens fighting against pollution in their communities. But local, state, and federal regulators haven’t resolved issues swirling around emissions released by the Denka Performance Elastomer plant, located in LaPlace, Louisiana. The plant is next to the Mississippi River, on a stretch of land between New Orleans and Baton Rouge known as Cancer Alley.

Chloroprene Emissions on the Decline But Still Too High?

Photo by Julie Dermansky
DuPont’s synthetic rubber plant in LaPlace emitted chloroprene for 46 years before it was sold to Denka. Shortly after Denka took over the plant, the EPA reclassified chloroprene in 2010 as a likely human carcinogen. The EPA deems 0.2 micrograms per cubic meter as the acceptable standard for chloroprene emissions, a level that the plant overshoots considerably. EPA’s 2010 Toxicological Review of Chloroprene determined that short-term exposure to high levels of chloroprene can cause a range of health impacts, from dizziness to chest pains, and suggests that chloroprene causes an increased risk of lung, liver, and kidney cancers, as well as leukemia and immune-system problems. Though Denka doesn’t agree with the EPA’s findings, the company nonetheless agreed in January of 2017 to reduce chloroprene emissions by 85 percent. It installed costly emissions reduction equipment that began operating at full capacity in March 2018. Emissions are trending downwards, but not to the level that EPA scientists say is the threshold for dangerous exposure or to a level with which state or federal regulators are satisfied. In June of 2017, Denka challenged the agency’s findings on chloroprene’s toxicity, prompting the EPA to formally review its 2010 assessment. After completing the review at the end of January of 2018, the EPA backed its findings, but Denka quickly filed an appeal, which is still under review. Robert Taylor, founder of Concerned Citizens of St. John the Baptist Parish, a community group borne out of the fear of breathing toxic air, welcomed the EPA’s findings. “We all knew there was something wrong with our air, and then the EPA put a name on it,” he says.
Robert Taylor outside of his home. Photo credit: Julie Dermansky
It makes sense that Denka would challenge the EPA’s findings, but the Concerned Citizens group is frustrated with Louisiana’s Department of Environmental Quality (LDEQ) and Department of Health, which also question them. At a parish council meeting two years prior, in December 2016, Chuck Carr Brown, head of the LDEQ, accused members of the group of fear-mongering for insisting Denka cut chloroprene emissions to the EPA’s recommended standard. Brown stands firm that the EPA’s figure of 0.2 micrograms is for guidance; it is not a legal standard that the plant is required to meet. The current standard was set years before the EPA reclassified chloroprene as a likely human carcinogen. At an April 24th, 2018 meeting of the St. John the Baptist Parish Council, Brown said that the EPA’s number might not be the final standard, once Brown and others have a chance to study results of Denka’s emissions-reduction efforts. Currently there is not an ambient air quality standard for chloroprene,” Jennah Durant, an EPA representative said in an email. “EPA, state, and company on- going actions are designed to reduce chloroprene emissions from the plant.” At the same meeting, Jimmy Guidry, M.D., the top state health officer and medical director, declared that people living near the plant do not face a health emergency and downplayed chloroprene’s health risks.
Photo by Julie Dermansky
But when pressed by Councilman Lennix Madere, Jr., who represents the district closest to the plant about what Guidry would feel comfortable saying is a safe level, Guidry did not contradict the EPA’s 0.2 microgram suggested standard. “The EPA has come out and set their number that they calculated from a mathematical formula, and until we can prove otherwise, we should strive to get to that number,” Guidry said. Brown gave the council assurances that the emissions levels were much lower than before and that his agency is continuing to work with Denka to reduce emissions as much as possible. But Wilma Subra, the recipient of a MacArthur Genius Grant and a technical advisor with the Louisiana Environmental Action Network (LEAN) who has been advising the Concerned Citizens group, told the council that Denka has shown an unwillingness to lower production (which immediately would reduce emissions) or to spend additional money on emissions reduction measures beyond its previous commitment. Members of the citizens group who attended the parish council meeting were disappointed that the council seemed to accept Brown and Guidry’s wait-and-see attitude. After the meeting, Taylor reached out to Honoré, who since then has been strategizing with the citizens group on what he sees as an undeniable environmental justice issue.

Assessing the Health Risks to Students

Photo by Julie Dermansky
In March this year, the St. John the Baptist School Board expressed concerns about the safety of children attending the school closest to the Denka plant, leading to a parish council request to the state to review potential health risks. As a result, the Louisiana Department of Health examined whether potential health risks would be significantly reduced if the children were sent to another school nearby. On July 6, the department released an assessment indicating that moving students at the Fifth Ward Elementary School, about a half-mile west of the Denka plant, to East St. John Elementary, which is three miles north of the plant, “would not greatly decrease their theoretical risks of developing excess cancers from exposure to chloroprene.” The preliminary assessment was based on data limited to air sampling results from March to May 2018 and collected after Denka activated its emissions reduction devices. Subra questions the assessment’s value. She said that looking at a few months of data to determine the risk to students misses the long-term effects of higher exposure that children and their families experienced before the equipment was installed. The Department of Health’s findings don’t surprise Denka, because the company believes chloroprene is being cast unnecessarily as a dangerous chemical. “There is no evidence to suggest our operations pose any increased risk of health impacts to our surrounding community,” Jim Harris, a spokesperson for Denka, said in an email. John Cummings is one of the lawyers involved in a lawsuit against Denka and DuPont by residents of St. John the Baptist Parish. The suit is seeking injunctive relief and monetary damages for various issues, including health-related problems and lost property value. He, too, questions the premise of the state’s health assessment and the timing of its release. What sense does it make to consider the value of moving children from one area with bad air to another?” asks Cummings. The lawsuit, filed in July 2017, is still pending. Federal Judge Martin Feldman denied granting class action status to the lawsuit in March due to a missed deadline. The same judge is expected to rule very soon on a motion by Denka’s attorneys to dismiss the suit altogether.

Disputing the State Health Assessment

Photo by Julie Dermansky
Taylor called the state’s health assessment irresponsible. “It is unbelievable that people in positions of authority would make the statement that the Department of Health has made since we became aware of the EPA’s findings,” Taylor said. He gives the report no credence because he can’t see the value in a health assessment that doesn’t include input from the people who live in the community. The concerned citizens group is anxiously awaiting a health assessment from a Stanford Human Rights Clinic team, which spent weeks earlier this year conducting a randomized health survey of households within a 1.5 mile radius of the Denka plant. The group helped the Stanford team survey more than 500 area households, gathering data on incidences of cancer, other medical diagnoses, and health symptoms. As far as Taylor knows, no one from the Department of Health has ever asked anyone impacted by the chloroprene emissions about their health. The department confirmed it has not spoken with people in the community near the plant about their health issues since the EPA reclassified chloroprene as a likely human carcinogen. Instead, the department relies on the Louisiana State University Tumor Registry, which collects data on cancer diagnoses. But the tumor registry relies on reported cases of cancer in Louisiana only, and some cases go unreported while others are treated and diagnosed out of state. State officials and Denka representatives point to the registry’s findings as an explanation for why they think the EPAassessment of cancer risk for St. John the Baptist Parish is wrong. A recent assessment broken down by zip codes doesn’t show an elevated risk of two types of cancer that have chloroprene as a risk factor, according to Robert Johannessen of the Department of Health’s communication office.
Attorney John Cummings | Photo by Julie Dermansky
The tumor registry is malarkey,” Cummings told me. “If you go down some streets and talk to people, you will find 80 percent of the households have a family member with cancer.” There is clearly something fishy going on here,” Taylor said. “Otherwise, why won’t these state officials sit down and face us?” He thinks the citizens group’s demands are quite reasonable. “We aren’t asking officials to shut the plant down. We just don’t want them to be allowed to go on poisoning us.” I asked Councilman Madere if the council planned to take any further actions. He told me what happens next is up to the EPA. He said that without a legal standard for emissions, there is nothing anyone at the state level can really do. I asked the EPA if or when it plans to set a standard for chloroprene emissions, but did not receive an answer. While they are looking at numbers on a report, I’m taking care of my daughter and my wife,” Taylor said. Last year, after his wife had a stroke, he convinced her to move to California. He was afraid the air-borne chemicals from the plant, about a mile from their home, would interfere with her recovery.
Raven Taylor | Photo by Julie Dermansky
Taylor would also like to relocate his daughter, Raven, who suffers from an immune deficiency condition — which EPA’s assessment says is in line with high chloroprene exposure — but the family’s financial situation has prevented the move. He now splits his time between Louisiana and California. He regrets being unable to attend the funeral of Walter Gerard, a member since the beginning of the Concerned Citizens of St. John the Baptist Parish. Gerard died of cancer on June 27. “How many more members will we lose before we get clean air?” Taylor wonders.
Funeral for Walter Gerard | Photo by Julie Dermansky

This report was also published by DeSmog, as a part of an ongoing series on Louisiana’s Cancer Alley.

The Spy Who Loved Bobby?

Publisher’s Note: This story was written in collaboration with “News With a Twist” at WGNO, the New Orleans-area affiliate of ABC.  [dropcap]T[/dropcap]he pretty redhead with the Russian accent said she had something in common with the National Rifle Association members who’d just heard former Louisiana Gov. Jindal speak at their annual convention in 2014. And what she said has stuck with Jindal’s chief of staff at the time, Timmy Teepell, ever since.   [aesop_image img=”https://www.bayoubrief.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/07/images20080507-cover-0103.3174.jpg” panorama=”off” align=”center” lightbox=”on” caption=”Timmy Teepell ” captionposition=”center” revealfx=”off” overlay_revealfx=”off”] Teepell says he was with Jindal at that NRA convention in Indianapolis, when Maria Butina — now accused of being a Russian spy– asked to have her picture taken with the governor. In what seemed like small talk at the time, Teepell recalls Butina saying that she was part of a gun rights group — in Russia. “That’s weird,” Teepell recalls thinking, “I didn’t know communists were allowed to have guns!” [aesop_image img=”https://www.bayoubrief.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/07/102568774_captureasdf333.jpg” panorama=”off” credit=”Facebook” align=”center” lightbox=”on” caption=”Maria Butina” captionposition=”center” revealfx=”off” overlay_revealfx=”off”] [dropcap]R[/dropcap]eached in Missouri, where Teepell is assisting the election campaign of GOP Senate candidate Josh Hawley, Teepell said he and Jindal talked about the photo yesterday after it surfaced on social media along with several other photos of Butina posing with prominent Republican politicians. Teepell says he and his former boss are both dumbfounded by the revelation this week that Butina was allegedly part of a Russian effort to influence American politics.  She was arrested by the U.S. Justice Department Sunday and denied bail today (July 18). According to Teepell, Jindal doesn’t remember meeting Butina at all. “She was (just) one of the dozens of people who came up to get her picture taken with him after the speech,” says Teepell, looking back with amazement on the moment when Butina sidled up to the governor. And that’s how something as seemingly innocuous as a request from a fan led to Jindal’s smiling picture posted on the Instagram account of an alleged Russian spy. “Wow,” says Teepell, “that’s odd!”

Ready to Run

[dropcap]A[/dropcap]s a part of our ongoing coverage of the 2018 midterm elections, The Bayou Brief‘s Sue Lincoln and Halen Doughty are camping out at the Louisiana Secretary of State’s office during the qualifying period. This is their dispatch from Day One: As is usual, candidates were lined up waiting for the qualifying doors to open at the Louisiana Secretary of State’s office Wednesday morning – including candidates for Secretary of State (to fill the remainder of Tom Schedler’s unexpired term.) Former state Sen. A.G. Crowe, a Republican from Pearl River, said he’s running on “Biblical principles,” saying he intends to pray for his opponents each and every day of the campaign. Crowe, accompanied by his campaign consultant Scott Wilfong, touted his previous receipt of the Louisiana Family Forum’s “Gladiator Award” as one of his qualifications for the office, along with his years serving in the state legislature. [aesop_image img=”https://www.bayoubrief.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/07/20180718_085525_resized.jpg” panorama=”off” credit=”The Bayou Brief” align=”center” lightbox=”on” caption=”Scott Wilfong and former state Sen. A.G. Crowe.” captionposition=”left” revealfx=”off” overlay_revealfx=”off”] “After 16 years in the Legislature, I have a good idea of how the office works,” Crowe stated. Asked about funding for his run, Crowe said, “We are well funded, and after doing two tours all over the state in the past few weeks, it’s impressive to me that we were so well known.” Crowe says he’s opposed to same day voter registration. Renee Fontenot Free, a Democrat from Baton Rouge, says she’s willing to explore the idea of same-day registration – as long as it can be done securely. Free, who is currently on leave from the Attorney General’s office, says she’s different from all the other announced candidates for the office in that she has experience doing the job. “I served as first assistant Secretary of State from 2004-2008, when we were rebuilding the entire system in the aftermath of Katrina. Now we’re facing a civil disaster – the erosion of public trust in the office. It’s time to remove all politics from the Secretary of State’s job.” As for the greatest need for the Department of State? Free says it’s “voter participation.” By 10:30 a.m., two candidates have qualified for congressional seats: Justin DeWitt in the 6th, and Howard Kearney in the 1st. DeWitt, a 30-year-old land surveyor from Baton Rouge, calls incumbent Republican Garret Graves “a corporate sell-out.” DeWitt, who is openly gay, says he doesn’t think running in this district as a Democrat is going to be all that difficult, since, “I’m an example of the average person stepping up to represent the people – unlike Congressman Graves, who has been bought and paid for.” On the issue of the Trump-Russia investigation, DeWitt says “At the very least, the current Congress should censure the President.” A Libertarian candidate for the 1st Congressional District thinks otherwise. Howard Kearney, is a computer programmer from Mandeville who is challenging incumbent Republican Steve Scalise, says, “The investigation should be dropped. It’s a huge waste of time to rehash the 2016 election. There more that Congress should be doing.” Kearney ran in the same race in 2016 and came in fourth. By noon, Democrat Rob Anderson had thrown his hat into the ring for the 3rd Congressional District seat. Although President Trump has already given his support to incumbent Clay Higgins, Anderson said he “is not worried about national endorsements because he is running for the people of Louisiana.” He said Washington is being run on political tenets rather than common sense. The freelance author said he is a full-time candidate running a grassroots campaign for his first political race. Funded entirely through small donors, Anderson said he won’t accept corporate dollars as he seeks to get the money out of politics. Jim Francis was not far behind as he qualified for the 1st District seat. Francis went on the attack against incumbent Congressman Steve Scalise. The Democrat from Covington said Scalise should not even be allowed to run until he answers questions about his relationship with Russian officials and his campaign funding from the NRA. “Mr. Scalise, for once put this country over your political ambitions!” he declared. The first-time candidate said his top priorities will be providing access to healthcare for more Americans and creating more high-paying jobs. He wants to see a transition out of “dying industries” like coal with more of a push towards renewable energy. Ladies are turning up to challenge congressional incumbents as well. Tammy Savoie, a Democrat from Jefferson Parish, is going up against House Majority Whip Steve Scalise for the 1st District seat. She took issue with the incumbent’s voting record in Congress, which she said shows he doesn’t care about the people of Louisiana. She cited his vote against minimum wage hikes for working people and another supporting tariffs that negatively impact Louisiana commerce imports. “For too long Steve Scalise has led the partisan bickering in Congress,” Savoie maintains. “He has demonstrated callous indifference toward the people of Louisiana.” The retired Air Force Lt. Colonel served as a military clinical psychologist for 38 years, before moving into the private sector. Healthcare is a top priority for her, as she said it broke her heart to know that people who needed treatment did not have access to care. In the 3rd District, Mimi Methvin is taking on incumbent Clay Higgins. A Democrat who formerly served as a federal magistrate in Louisiana’s Western District, Methvin touted her experience in all three branches of government, having served as a legislative liaison to Gillis Long before working for the US Department of the Interior and then becoming a federal judge. She wants to be a voice for the people and advocate for constituents, rather than play into partisan politics. “The incumbent, Mr. Higgins, has a John Wayne reputation, but he’s really been more like Barney Fife in Washington – doing the bidding of the Republican Party,” Methvin said. Coastal restoration is among her key agenda items. She said Louisiana is in a position to be a leader in coastal innovation and she would like to see increased federal funding to protect the vanishing coast. The 3rd District’s Clay Higgins will also have to fend off a fellow Republican. Josh Guillory of Lafayette says he’s running in order to fight for the needs of his neighbors and family, noting he differs from Higgins because, “First and foremost, I live in the district.” Guillory, who is running on a platform of fiscal conservatism, notes that he’s “Blessed to have the endorsement and support of ‘America’s mayor’, Rudy Giuliani.” Giuliani, who is serving as President Trump’s attorney, held a fundraiser for Guillory last month in Lafayette. The President, on the other hand, has endorsed Higgins, the incumbent. Congressman Cedric Richmond (LA 2-D) has picked up several challengers. Shawndra Rodriguez of Baton Rouge has signed up for the November 6th race, with no party affiliation. She says, “I’m running because I have a burden for people. I want to promote values and righteousness. I want to govern for the Lord.” Belden “Noonie Man” Batiste of New Orleans is an independent, who says the incumbent is “a political establishment candidate”. Batiste is running on a platform of the “Poor People’s Campaign”, and says one of the issues he’s anxious to address is launching an investigation into where all the Katrina recovery money went. Jesse Schmidt of Gretna, No Party, will be on the 2nd District ballot, too. Incumbents Clay Higgins (LA3 – R) and Cedric Richmond (LA2 – D) qualified by proxy, as did 5th District Congressman Ralph Abraham. All were tied up in D.C., with votes today on the House floor. And with that, the first of three days of qualifying is complete.