Saturday, March 15, 2025

Beating the Bengals, Your Week 8 GIFs, and more

Well, then. As teased at the end of last week’s column, this column was originally going to be about Dez Bryant’s potential impact on the Saints, and how even if he isn’t quite the same player he was in the best years of his career, he still offers a reliable target for tough, contested catches and end-zone balls. As you probably know by now, though, after officially signing Bryant on Thursday, he tore his Achilles on Friday, his second practice with the team, and went to injured reserve. So it’s back to the drawing board for the Saints on that front, who are currently down to three healthy and active wide receivers after also putting Cameron Meredith on injured reserve. The Saints also brought in Brandon Marshall and Kamar Aiken for workouts this week before signing Bryant, and the current news is that they’ll adjust by signing Marshall, who is like Bryant a bigger body, and doesn’t have his top-end talent anymore (he’s 34), but with his size and hands could also assist in those tough over-the-middle catches and in the end zone. Tre’Quan Smith will get there eventually, but for now he’s just a rookie. And the fact is, the Saints simply can’t go on in 2018 with only three active wide receivers (adding Austin Carr to Smith and Michael Thomas). Heck, I wouldn’t be surprised if we see more two-back sets this week, with Alvin Kamara taking snaps in the slot to make up for the lack of other players who can do it. Now onto this week’s coming game. The Saints are 5.5-point favorites at Cincinnati, which seems to be a strong sign of their likelihood to win. However, after a game like their tough, high-energy, emotionally draining contest against the Los Angeles Rams, it’s easy for the team to experience a letdown game. In a league like the NFL, where no team is all that much worse than any other, a wrong bounce or two or a big play missed or made can shift the tide in any matchup. Here are the biggest things I’d be cautious of against the Bengals on each side of the ball, and what I might do to counteract them: John Ross and the deep passing game. The Saints will catch a break with A.J. Green out with a foot injury. Tyler Boyd is the Bengals’ second-leading receiver, and while Marshon Lattimore is more than capable of handling him, he’ll probably be deployed all over the formation and Lattimore won’t follow him. Still, though, the Saints’ talent on roster should be capable of reasonably containing him. The worry is Ross, who’s coming back from an injury and has fallen out of favor at points with the coaching staff. While he hasn’t been a big part of the offense yet, he’ll get more snaps with Green out, and his 4.22 40 time and quick moves give him the ability to beat people downfield and score a long touchdown at any time. The Saints have been better in recent weeks, but had significant problems giving up long passing touchdowns early in the season. Ross is the kind of player who can make those plays, so the Saints defense will have to be careful not to let him get behind the secondary. With Green out, the focal point of the offense will probably be running back Joe Mixon, but the Saints’ run defense has remained outstanding all season, so I’m not particularly worried about their ability to perform there. William Jackson could make life difficult for Michael Thomas. The Bengals’ first-round selection in 2016, Jackson missed his rookie season but has since grown into a top-flight man cornerback. Now, is he so good as to shut down Michael Thomas? Of course not, but if he can disrupt Thomas often enough, he can still throw the offense off schedule. The Bengals have had less success covering #2 WRs (26th in the league according to Football Outsiders’ DVOA stat), so Tre’Quan Smith may have to step up Sunday. It’s going to be more difficult to vary looks against the Bengals with only three healthy wide receivers*, so again, I’d expect to see Alvin Kamara in the slot some portion of the time. (He may be a heavy part of the passing game regardless: Cincinnati is 28th in DVOA covering running backs.) * – The team promoted Keith Kirkwood to the active roster after placing Dez Bryant on injured reserve. However, Kirkwood has never played a regular-season snap and so it’s difficult to regard or evaluate how many offensive snaps he’ll play Sunday or even whether he’ll suit up. The Bengals’ run defense hasn’t been particularly strong, either. With the Saints’ strength in their offensive line and running backs, I expect the game plan will rely more heavily on Mark Ingram and Alvin Kamara than anyone else. And now, a long-delayed promised bonus: Your week 8 highlight GIFs vs. Minnesota Taysom Hill’s deep completion to Michael Thomas– who catches it despite a clear pass interference:
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Sheldon Rankins’ first sack of the game:
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The forced fumble on Adam Thielen and Marshon Lattimore’s return of it:
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Lattimore breaks up a fourth-down pass intended for Laquon Treadwell:
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Marcus Davenport chases down and sacks Kirk Cousins (the call of a fumble on the field was overturned):
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Kirk Cousins delivers an interception directly to P.J. Williams:
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Rankins simply overpowers the center for his second sack of the day:
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And Marcus Davenport shows off his rare blend of power, burst, and bend to notch his second sack of the game:
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See y’all after the Bengals game.

Who Dat got the inside track to NFC home-field advantage?

I’d be lying if I said I wasn’t nervous about last Sunday’s game. The Saints, with one of the strongest home-field advantages in the NFL, were 1.5-point underdogs to the Los Angeles Rams, the NFL’s last undefeated team. The Rams have one of the most explosive offenses in the league and a defense stocked with high-end talent, led by Aaron Donald, the league’s most destructive interior pass rusher. The Saints would have their hands full; they would have to keep their offense functioning at a high level while getting enough stops on defense to prevail. And a nearly-perfect first half gave them a big enough lead to survive a furious Rams rally and put it away for good with a late score, 45-35. The Rams still technically have the lead in the NFC conference, but that’s because they’ve played one more game and have one more win than the Saints. Each team has one loss, and if they finish with the same number of losses, the Saints will get the higher seed– and right now, that competition is for the first overall seed and home-field advantage throughout the playoffs. New Orleans’ nearly perfect half included five touchdowns on offense and a couple of major plays to stop the Rams’ offense. The teams traded two touchdowns apiece on their opening drives. With the score knotted at 14-14, a Mark Ingram fumble gave the Rams the ball at the Saints 22. For the first time on the day, the defense held and successfully forced a three-and-out. On the ensuing field goal attempt, Rams holder Johnny Hekker ran a fake that the defensive unit just barely stopped him from converting– so close that a lot of people thought it would be overturned on review. The huge stop seemed to energize the Saints, who capitalized by scoring touchdowns on their next three drives. The Rams responded by missing a field goal and throwing an interception, made possible by a brilliant individual play by Alex Anzalone:
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Unfortunately, the Saints’ ugly two-minute defense reared its head again. After a penalty pushed the Rams back to their own 42 with nine seconds left in the half, the Saints allowed a 20-yard completion that put the Rams back into range for Greg Zeuerlein to boot a 56-yard field goal to close the half. The Saints’ two-minute defense has been a consistent problem this year, giving up big plays and long drives in situations where they need to be locking down the other team. The Saints then allowed the Rams to dominate the third quarter, tying the game with 9:48 left in the fourth. It’s not the sort of thing that happens often to New Orleans, but against a team as explosive and relentless as the Rams, you can’t coast on a lead; you gotta keep driving and scoring points. (In that sense, Sean Payton’s call of a punt on 4th-and-4 from the Rams 44 was totally unacceptable.) Of course, even if the Saints had two drives stall out, there was no way they were going to fail to score again. After retaking the lead with a field goal, the defense successfully forced a Rams punt, and Michael Thomas had the backbreaking catch I’m sure you’ve seen by now:
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Close it out with two clutch third- and fourth-down pass breakups by P.J. Williams (on ex-Saint Brandin Cooks, no less), and the Saints secured a true statement win and the inside track to home field advantage in the NFC. Some takeaways from this game, mostly involving the defense: The pass coverage’s holes haven’t quite been fixed yet. In fairness, a team like the Rams is a difficult measuring stick, since they’re such a potent offense, having scored between 29 and 39 points this year in all but one of their games. Sean McVay’s schemes always seemed to find a receiver open when the team needed it, and Jared Goff threw for 391 yards. That said, we didn’t see any scenes like we did in the first three weeks of the season, of Ken Crawley and/or P.J. Williams futilely chasing after a receiver who had burned them for a long touchdown. The secondary had a few penalties in addition to the passing yards given up, but given the level of competition, it wasn’t a bad performance– and the big plays the defense came up with may have saved the season. (Interesting wrinkle: The Saints spent essentially the entire game in a nickel defense, with Marshon Lattimore, Eli Apple, and P.J. Williams playing every single snap, and no other cornerback getting playing time.) The run defense is legit. This game was arguably going to be the Saints’ biggest test of the run defense yet, with the Rams’ strong offensive line and the preposterously productive, all-everything running back Todd Gurley. Holding Gurley to a mere 79 yards from scrimmage, his lowest total of the season, was outstanding work. The Saints did give up carries of 14 and 24 yards to Gurley, but his other 11 carries went for just 30 yards, he was stuffed five times, and his six receptions totaled a mere 11 yards. (For a great example of what free-agent linebacker Demario Davis brings to the table, check out his diagnosis of and closing speed on a Gurley catch in the flat here:)
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The pass rush needs Marcus Davenport back. Davenport is out with a toe injury, and the Saints didn’t sack Jared Goff once. I still believe in Trey Hendrickson, and I see no indicators he was a liability on the line, but Davenport is a rare physical talent who had been coming on strong lately, and the Saints just couldn’t get there without him around. I’m sure the team will find ways to pressure the passer until Davenport returns, but it is concerning to see. If Hendrickson can play to the level I believe he’s capable of, or if Davenport returns and his development hasn’t stalled out, I do believe that, in conjunction with the performance of Sheldon Rankins this year and the play of All-Pro Cameron Jordan, the pass rush will be strong enough to be a legitimate force come playoff time. And a strong pass rush helps the back end of the pass defense, and if those two units can hold up, then the sky is the limit for the Saints. One thing the Saints can’t do is have a letdown against the Bengals after such a high-strung, hard-fought game. I’ll be doing a bonus column this week where I’ll touch on how they can avoid that– but mostly to discuss a certain free-agent signing the team made that I’m sure you’ve heard about by now. Oh, and before I go: You didn’t think I was going to leave the recreation of the most famous TD celebration in Saints history go unmentioned, did you?
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For Secretary of State, We Recommend Julie Stokes or Renee Fontenot Free

Julie Stokes (above) and Renee Fontenot Free (below) (Source: Facebook); “I Voted” sticker (Copyright: George Rodrigue Collection, The New Orleans Museum of Art).


Former Interim Secretary of State Alice Lee Grosjean, the first woman to hold statewide office in Louisiana
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In 1930, following the sudden death of then-Secretary of State James J. Bailey, Gov. Huey P. Long appointed his own personal assistant, Alice Lee Grosjean, to serve as Bailey’s interim replacement. While some question the legality of the appointment, the 24-year-old Grosjean effectively became the very first woman to ever occupy a statewide office in Louisiana.

Two years later, in 1932, Lucille May Grace became the first woman elected to a statewide office when she won the race for the now-defunct Register of the State Land Office. Until her death in 1957, Grace was a powerhouse and one of the most successful and influential politicians in the state. Grosjean, however, largely faded into obscurity; her brief stint as Secretary of State doesn’t even merit a mention on Wikipedia, for example. 

But some believe there is a reason Grosjean may have been perfectly content with remaining out of the limelight in the aftermath of the Kingfish’s assassination, though, like many parts of the mythology about Huey P. Long, it remains impossible to know for certain. Grosjean, the story goes, became the sole possessor of the infamous deduct box. A 1,700 page file unsealed by the FBI in 2012 contains notes about interviews agents conducted with Grosjean and her husband W.A. Tharpe, revealing the couple, who had moved to California, had a surprisingly detailed level of knowledge about the secret fund (see Section 5b).

Sure, it may be nothing more than an urban legend, but it still makes for a great story. And there is a good reason Louisianians should remember the name Alice Lee Grosjean as they head to the polls tomorrow. 


Since Alice Lee Grosjean occupied the position in 1930, the office of Louisiana Secretary of State has been held exclusively by men. All told, only seven women have ever been elected to a statewide office, and because Grosjean was an interim appointment, she isn’t in that number.

Under normal circumstances, Louisiana voters would be greeted by their congressional candidates’ names at the top of this year’s ballot. Instead, the initial choice they’re asked to make is for a state and not a federal office: Who should fill the unexpired term of Louisiana’s Secretary of State for the next fourteen months? 

Nine candidates are vying for the short-term job, with the election this year expected to provide an easier race next year for the eventual winner. Four of the nine candidates are women, more than have ever competed for the same statewide position in Louisiana history. There are several reasons this particular election has attracted so many female candidates, and undoubtedly, one of those reasons is a consequence of why an election is even necessary.

The vacancy was created after two-term Sec. Tom Schedler resigned on May 8th in the wake of disturbing allegations contained in a lawsuit filed in late February from a former female employee, who had served as his executive assistant. According to the suit, Sec. Schedler, who is married, pursued and sexually harassed the employee for several years and retaliated against her whenever she rejected his advances. Schedler, however, publicly maintained their “relationship was consensual.”

After more than two months of controversy and calls from both Gov. John Bel Edwards and U.S. Sen. John N. Kennedy that Schedler resign, he finally and reluctantly announced on May 1st that he would be stepping down the following week; his first assistant Kyle Ardoin would take over as interim secretary. In mid-October, the lawsuit filed by Schedler’s former executive assistant was “amicably” settled, with Schedler personally paying $18,425 and the state (and, therefore, the taxpayers) spending an additional $149,075.

It behooves us, the citizens of Louisiana, to elect a replacement who will stand as a guardian against unwanted attentions from co-workers, as well as protecting our elections from unwanted interference from outside interests and foreign governments.

This is about personal integrity, and it’s also about the public integrity of our elections, the accuracy of our business filings, and the preservation of our historical documents.

Two of the nine running- Thomas J. Kennedy III, a white Republican from Metairie, and Matt Moreau, a white independent from Zachary- have neither raised nor spent any money (though Moreau has loaned his campaign nearly approximately $2,000).

In our estimation, that leaves seven possibilities: four women and three men.

Only two polls were made publicly available, and despite the fact they were conducted within only a week and a half of one another in September, they showed vastly different results. 

The first poll was commissioned by The Hayride, a far-right blog site, and conducted by Remington Research of Kansas City, Missouri, a company founded by Ted Cruz’s former campaign manager Jeff Roe. Remington Research, it’s worth noting, was recently ranked as one of the fifth least trustworthy “prolific” pollsters in the country, according to an analysis conducted by Nate Silver of FiveThirtyEight. FiveThirtyEight also gives Remington a “C” in its comprehensive grading of pollster ratings.

Remington’s poll on the Louisiana Secretary of State’s race claims to have been “weighted to match expected turnout demographics for the 2019 General Election,” but it provides no information on its methodology on how it weighted demographics or why it relied on assumptions about next year’s electorate. The results are as follows: 

Source: Remington Research Group

The second poll was conducted by Louisiana-based pollster John Couvillion of JMC Analytics. Couvillion is generally considered a more credible and reliable pollster, particularly with respect to his work in Louisiana, but he earns an only slightly higher grade, a C+, from FiveThirtyEight. His poll was conducted on September 20-22, and its results are as follows:

Source: JMC Analytics. Note: 1% of respondents selected “other candidate.”

In other words, although these polls were conducted more than a month ago, it’s more likely than not that the race remains virtually impossible to figure out; the jungle is simply too crowded.

If we treat this as a process of elimination, the obvious thing – in view of why we’re selecting a new Secretary of State now – would be to simply say, “no men.” But that would be sexism, and we reject all gender-based discrimination.

Instead, let’s look more deeply into the platforms and campaigns of each, keeping in mind qualifications, financial viability, and the overall need to restore confidence in the impartiality and integrity of the office and its officeholder. 


Kyle Ardoin

Kyle Ardoin, the current acting Secretary of State, clearly has the experience and skills for the position after serving as Schedler’s second-in-command for nearly eight years. Yet he has done nothing to assure us he was not complicit in enabling his former boss’ inappropriate behavior toward a female subordinate. In fact, Ardoin was named in the lawsuit  (emphasis added):

“In April 2017, as a result of rebuffing his intensifying sexual propositions, defendant (Schedler) became enraged with Petitioner (the woman) in the office, yelling at her and ordering her out of his sight and that he never wanted to see her again in the office. Thereafter, Deputy Assistant Secretary Kyle Ardoin approached Petitioner and told her that she was required to ‘stay out of sight’ so that defendant did not physically see her on the premises.

This directly contradicts Ardoin’s subsequent attestations to lawmakers and the media that he “was unaware of any harassment issues or allegations between the secretary and his accuser until the day the lawsuit was filed.”

His personal integrity and truthfulness are suspect and were made even more questionable after telling state lawmakers he had no intention of running during his confirmation as acting Secretary of State and then signing up for the race during the last ten minutes of qualifying only sixty days later. 

As we pointed out in July, on Ardoin’s 44th day in office, he tweeted a picture of his new vanity license plate, which read “SOS 44.” The tweet appears to have been subsequently deleted. 

“Most politicians wait until they get elected to break their first promise,” Stephanie Grace of The Advocate noted. “So give interim Secretary of State Kyle Ardoin points for originality: He figured out how to do it on his very first day as a candidate for office.”

On the campaign trail and during candidate forums, Ardoin has claimed personal credit for every advancement made by the Department of State over the past several years. Yet, among other things, he denies allegations that, when he was still Schedler’s first assistant, he engaged in “bid-rigging” that appeared intentionally designed to ensure only one company would qualify for a $60 million contract to replace approximately 10,000 voting machines. When a losing vendor complained, the Office of State Procurement looked into the issue and found there were legitimate reasons to invalidate the contract, which, by then, had ballooned to $95 million. Ardoin first blamed his former boss for screwing up the bid specifications and then, once the contract was canceled, he blamed Gov. Edwards for playing politics.  

Considering his central role in botching the integrity of a mega-million dollar voting machine contract, it is more than ironic that Ardoin has made “protecting the integrity of Louisiana elections” the centerpiece of his campaign.

His election to the post would keep a cloud in place over the office.


Heather Cloud

Heather Cloud, the mayor of the village of Turkey Creek in Evangeline Parish, was motivated to run by a four-vote irregularity in the 2014 election which took a lawsuit against the Secretary of State to settle. (Turkey Creek has a total population of 441). 

Yet the votes in that election, which Cloud initially lost, were not questioned for being fraudulent, but because they were allegedly purchased. It was truly a question for the courts to order a new elections (which she eventually won), not a ruling within the purview or powers of the Secretary of State. That difference seems to escape her, as she appears to consider this her opportunity to finish righting that first wrong.

Cloud has been unable to generate much name recognition or campaign traction outside the immediate Acadiana and CenLa region. As of the last week’s campaign finance filings, donations to her campaign have dried up, leaving her with just the proceeds of a self-made $100,000 loan available to finish out the race. 

The decision to pad her campaign account with a sizable loan seems to have been a calculated attempt to draw attention, and to a certain extent, it succeeded, at least among a small contingency of conservative talk radio listeners. One of her few expenditures was for advertisements on Moon Griffon’s radio show, and although she lists an area real estate investor as her campaign manager, it is commonly known that Cloud’s campaign has been largely directed by Chris Comeaux, the hot-tempered conservative political consultant who primarily works for Rep. Clay Higgins. 

When directly asked about guarding against sexual harassment, Cloud would only say, “I will not tolerate any nonsense.” We would suggest then, that some notion of “payback” coupled with serving as mayor of a village of 441 people does not constitute sufficient experience or qualifications to oversee more than 300 employees in an $84-million state agency.


Gwen Collins-Greenup

Collins-Greenup is the only African American in the race, and in a state in which 31% of the population is black, this would ordinarily provide an inherent competitive advantage in a crowded election. Yet Collins-Greenup, a self-described entrepreneur who has degrees from Liberty University and earned her J.D. from Southern University, has struggled to break through in any meaningful way.

Three years ago, Collins-Greenup, who spent much of her career as a notary public and a deputy clerk of court, ran unsuccessfully for Clerk of Court of East Feliciana Parish, and her current campaign for Secretary of State primarily comprises of a series of well-intentioned but vague platitudes about increasing voter registration among millennials. Much like Mayor Cloud, Collins-Greenup has not sufficiently demonstrated an understanding of the breadth and range of responsibilities that fall under the office. We admire Collins-Greenup’s positive tone, but we are unimpressed by her command of the issues.

It is worth noting that a political insider, on the condition of anonymity, also alerted The Bayou Brief that well-funded Republican operatives have been allegedly making off-the-book and strategic contributions to organizations that distribute sample ballots in majority-minority communities, with the understanding those organizations will endorse the almost entirely unknown Collins-Greenup; there is an expectation, the source claimed, that these paid endorsements will dilute enough Democratic support from Renee Fontenot Free, who is widely considered to be the current frontrunner, to ensure an all-Republican runoff. We are not alleging, in any way whatsoever, that Collins-Greenup is aware of these rumored, behind-the-scenes maneuvers, but we are urging voters to be cautious and conscientious.  

Perhaps more importantly, however, we are confounded by a disturbing donation Collins-Greenup lists in her campaign finance reports. She has clearly struggled to raise the requisite amount of money necessary to run an effective statewide campaign. All told, she has raised less than $3,000, primarily from family members and primarily (and potentially incorrectly at times) listed as in-kind donations, but her single-largest donation, $162, appears to be illegal. That $162 contribution came directly from Riverside Baptist Church in Norwood, Louisiana.

Source: Louisiana Ethics Administration: http://www.ethics.la.gov/CampaignFinanceSearch/LA-72122.pdf

Churches are prohibited from making donations to political candidates, and while some may have a principled disagreement with the prohibition, it is critical that our next Secretary of State understand the importance of complying with campaign finance law.


Almond Gaston “A.G.” Crowe

Former state Sen. A.G. Crowe of Pearl River entered the race after more than two years away from the political fray. While he was able to tap into the goodwill and pocketbooks of many of his former state senate peers early on, his campaign has become financially anemic. He’s even taken to raffling off a week-long vacation in his campaign RV, in order to generate more funds.  (State law requires any organization that conducts a raffle first obtain a gaming license).

Additionally, Crowe has been counting on a conservative evangelical voter base for support, as can be seen by his adopting and touting the nickname “Amazing Grace” during the course of this campaign. (A.G. actually stands for “Almond Gaston”.) Yet he’s having to share that base with the next candidate on the ballot, and has said little about the harassment issue beyond very generalized statements regarding the Secretary of State’s “single most important responsibility is to protect your privacy.”

He pulled back from the fray in early October to – appropriately – focus his time and attention on a family member’s serious illness. We commend him for that, yet must point out it has compromised his ability to build the statewide name recognition necessary to make it to a runoff.


Rick Edmonds

State Rep. Rick Edmonds, a Baptist minister and former VP of the Louisiana Family Forum, has the advantage over Crowe in his appeal to conservative evangelicals. He’s been more in the public eye, as a current lawmaker serving on the House Appropriations Committee. And he’s been stacking up endorsements from local and parish GOP organizations as a major part of his campaign strategy.

Edmonds has been assuring voters he is the ideal replacement for the disgraced Tom Schedler because of his faith-based life and career, and because he loves his wife. Yet loving your spouse and/or pastoring a church is obviously no assurance that sexual harassment complaints will be handled swiftly or certainly. And at one candidate forum held in early October, Edmonds specifically mentioned the Supreme Court confirmation of Brett Kavanaugh as a reason for “conservatives like me” to “rejoice.”

It’s also uncertain that Edmonds has the skillsets or experience needed to head an entire state department. Earnest though he may be, there is no equivalency between overseeing a faith-based nonprofit organization and running Louisiana’s Department of State. Indeed, there is a constitutional prohibition against conflating the two, known as the doctrine of separation of church and state. 

Edmonds, perhaps predictably, has made the almost entirely nonexistent threat of voter fraud at the forefront of his campaign, including promoting draconian identification restrictions. We believe the hype about the existential threat about voter fraud is nothing more than a deliberate partisan strategy by conservative Republicans to excuse and justify their persistent efforts at suppressing our most vulnerable and marginalized citizens from exercising their fundamental right to participate in our democracy.

There is a reason President Trump’s Voter Fraud Commission ended in humiliation; the data clearly demonstrates that voter fraud is not even a statistically negligible occurrence. To borrow from the president’s own parlance, it’s fake news. (Heather Cloud also believes she was a victim of voter fraud, but her case did not involve individuals who illegally voted; it centered on allegations that intellectually disabled individuals were exploited).

Our next Secretary of State needs to ensure the right to vote remains sacrosanct and needs to encourage participation instead of perpetuating the notion, which traces back to the Jim Crow era, that Louisiana is somehow under assault from a scourge of illegal voters.  


We recommend either of the two remaining candidates: Renee Fontenot Free or Julie Stokes. 

Yes, we recognize that recommending two different candidates of two different political parties may not seem like much of a recommendation at all, but both of these women are worthy of your consideration. Both would be far superior than any of their opponents, and a vote for either of them is also a rejection of the good ol’ boy culture that has infected our politics for far too long.

The vast majority of the people who work at the Secretary of State’s office are exemplary civil servants who have, year after year, demonstrated competence and extraordinary customer service. They deserve a leader who understands the need for a diverse, innovative, and respectful work environment. We all do.

We also all deserve a Secretary of State who understands the job has nothing to do with scaring people about voter fraud or promoting any particular partisan agenda. That is precisely why either of these women are fit to lead.

Free, a Democrat who is on leave from her position as Director of the Attorney General’s Public Protection Division for the duration of this campaign, has direct management experience within the Department of State. She served as Assistant Secretary of State under both Fox McKeithen and Al Ater, overseeing the department’s merger with the former Department of Elections. She also supervised the difficult task of rebuilding the voter rolls and polling place access in the aftermath of Katrina and Rita.

Regarding the circumstances that created this election, Free addresses it directly. “The Secretary of State is primarily tasked with protecting the public’s trust. That trust has been compromised, and I intend to restore it. There were no issues of this sort while I was with the Secretary of State and none within the Attorney General’s Office – and I have overseen Human Resources in both departments. I always have an open door.”

Free points out the majority of tasks done by the Secretary of State – keeping accurate and complete corporate records, preserving Louisiana’s documents and cultural history – are adminstrative in nature. But because the position also oversees elections, she says, “It’s important that we keep partisan politics out of this.”

Julie Stokes, current state representative from Kenner, has made resolving the harassment issue an important part of her campaign.

“It’s the good ole boys’ network,” she says. “It permeates Louisiana’s political culture, and it’s time for it to stop.” She’s right. 

She hasn’t shied away from confronting that culture in legislative committees and on the floor of the House.

A CPA by trade, Stokes says she’ll turn her accountant eye for details to all the administrative minutiae of running this office, starting with a complete audit of each of the departmental divisions. She’ll be looking for ways to economize and ways to streamline the paperwork required for businesses, in particular. Streamlining is her thing, as she chairs the state’s Sales Tax Streamlining and Modernization Commission.

Stokes’ accounting background will also serve voters in good stead, for protecting the integrity and accuracy of financial documents is closely analogous to protecting the integrity and accuracy of the votes they cast.

Stokes, who is a Republican, is also adamant that the Secretary of State must remain non-partisan. Her voting history in the House proves that she is not one of those politicians who puts party loyalty above commonsense and the greater good. It’s one of the reasons one of her colleagues and one of the most progressive members of the state House of Representatives, Ted James, an African American Democrat, singled Stokes out by name as “a very, very good candidate” for Secretary of State. 


On January 14, 2008, Kathleen Babineaux Blanco walked out of the state Capitol as the last female statewide elected official in Louisiana (Mary Landrieu, of course, was still in office at the time, but she occupied a federal U.S. Senate seat, not a state government position).

A decade later, in what is shaping up to be the Year of the Woman, Louisianians have the opportunity to contribute, to make history, and to signal both a cultural and institutional change for the better.

The defense comes up with more very good than very bad in a revenge road win

First, my apologies for the lateness of this column. I had some hardware issues this week; unfortunately, those issues will also keep me from including any GIFs in this week’s column. You’ll get some makeup GIFs next week, I promise. Now, onto the recap and news of the week: For the third time in 14 months, the New Orleans Saints played the Minnesota Vikings in Minneapolis’ U.S. Bank Stadium Sunday night. For the first time, they won. Fueled largely by a huge swing at the end of the first half, the Saints reversed the fortune of their last two meetings in Minnesota, beating the Vikings 30-20. After a shaky start on defense led to two long touchdowns on the Vikings’ opening two drives, the Saints buckled down and kept the Vikings off the scoreboard while scoring 23 straight points, turning a 13-7 deficit into a 30-13 lead. That huge swing came immediately after Drew Brees’ first interception of the season, with the Saints trailing 13-10. The Vikings were driving again and had gotten inside the red zone when Alex Anzalone forced a fumble from Adam Thielen (the NFL’s leading receiver), which Marshon Lattimore scooped up and ran 54 yards the other direction. With an unsportsmanlike conduct call on Vikings receiver Laquon Treadwell after he took off his helmet and slammed it to the ground in frustration, a play which started at the Saints 18-yard-line ended at the Vikings 18-yard-line. The Saints scored two plays later to take the lead going into halftime, and never let up. The pass coverage remained inconsistent even with the addition of cornerback Eli Apple. Apple started in place of Ken Crawley, a healthy scratch, and played better than Crawley if not great. The Vikings’ game plan seemed to primarily focus on targeting P.J. Williams in the slot; as he was in coverage on many of the successfully completed plays, and committed several penalties in coverage to boot. Thielen caught all seven of his targets for 103 yards and a touchdown; his partner on the Vikings, Stefon Diggs, caught 10 of 11 targets for 119 yards and a touchdown. However, Williams made up for it in a major way, when the pass rush pressure caused Kirk Cousins to panic and he threw a ball directly into Williams’ breadbasket, leading to an easy interception return for a score. The pass rush was a standout unit Sunday night, buoyed in part by the injuries on the Vikings offensive line but also by the continued development of two of the teams’ first-round investments. Sheldon Rankins and Marcus Davenport each had two sacks. Rankins seems all the way back from any issues lingering from the broken leg he suffered as a rookie and is coming into form as a consistent interior penetrator and disruptor. Davenport continues to get better every week, as he continues to grow and learn the moves to put his rare combination of length, quickness, and power to best use. He now has four sacks on the season. Unfortunately for the Saints, he’s going to have to wait a while to get any more, as he injured his toe on the last play of the game. He’s expected to be out for a month or so; the presumption is that last year’s third-round pick, Trey Hendrickson, will start to pick up some of the slack after being inactive much of the season due to injury, illness, or simply falling behind on the depth chart. It’s unfortunate timing for Davenport, who was not only starting to come on strong, as well as the Saints, who are continuing through a difficult stretch and have one of the toughest remaining schedules in the league. New Orleans faces the Rams, Bengals, and Eagles before a Thanksgiving night match against the Falcons; the hope is that Hendrickson will return for the next week’s Thursday night game against the Cowboys, or at worst the game after that. The Saints’ usually stout run defense had a few breakdowns early on as well, giving up several long runs to Latavius Murray on the opening drive of the game before settling into their usual groove. Murray had carries of 6, 10, and 12 yards on the opening drive; those three carries accounted for half of his 56 rushing yards on the day. (He had 13 carries in total.) Still, with Todd Gurley coming to town Sunday, the Saints will have to tighten up, because he’s the kind of talent who can take maximum advantage to break big plays when the defense makes a mistake. The offensive story in this one is pretty strange. Who would have thought the Saints could win a game– or even have a game– where Drew Brees only threw for 120 yards? Who would have thought the biggest pass play of the game would be thrown by Taysom Hill? Brees simply wasn’t need to make magic through the air, as the turnovers forced by the Saints scored one touchdown and set up the offense in the red zone for the second. The third score came on the opening drive, at the end of a 10-play, 81-yard drive, but the biggest play was a 44-yard pass from Hill to Michael Thomas. Strangely, the Vikings outperformed the Saints on the whole:
Stat Saints Vikings
Yards 270 423
Yards Per Play 5.1 6.3
First Downs 270 423
Time of Possession 28:37 31:23
  This game will go down as a great example of how turnovers are game-changers. The undefeated Los Angeles Rams come to the Superdome Sunday afternoon in the Saints’ biggest test yet (New Orleans is 2.5-point underdogs at home). It’s not impossible for the Saints to pull off the win, but they’re absolutely going to have to shore up the pass defense. Rams head coach Sean McVay is excellent at exploiting a team’s weaknesses when he has the ball, and the Saints will have to plug their leaks and find schemes that are more difficult to exploit or disrupt the offense in some way, whether through pass pressure or disguising coverages well enough to fool Rams QB Jared Goff. (And ex-Saints receiver Brandin Cooks plays for the Rams now, so he might have a few insider tips on what the team does on both sides of the ball.) The Rams’ defense is not as strong this year as had been expected, so offensively, the Saints certainly have a chance– especially as their strong interior line can negate the best part of the Rams’ defense, the interior pass rush of Aaron Donald and Ndamukong Suh. A win would put a 7-1 Saints team in the driver’s seat for the top seed in the NFC, with a tiebreaker over the would-be 7-1 Rams. With some big stops on defense– particularly if they can win the turnover battle– and an offense performing at high level, the Saints can win the game.

For Congress, We Recommend A Slate of Real Representative Louisianians


We enjoy politics.

It’s one of the reasons why we, here at The Bayou Brief, do what we do.

But the once-grand theatre of American politics has been presenting far more tragedies than comedy of late, reminding us all-too-frequently of the rallying cry of the student movement and second-wave feminism of the 1960s, that “the personal is political” – and, conversely, that the political is personal.

Your vote is your personal choice.

You are choosing the candidate who best represents you: your values, interests, needs, and aspirations.

This is a perilous and volatile time in America’s relatively young history, and today, many people feel particularly vulnerable and saddened by the tone and the message being sent from our nation’s capitol. 

Readers should recall that, at various points in Louisiana’s history, the state has exercised enormous clout over our nation’s governance, but although U.S. Rep. Steve Scalise currently serves as the third-ranking member of the House, today’s federal delegation does not have the seniority or the requisite positions to meaningfully influence legislation and funding priorities as it once did.

In other words, there is little for voters to fear about electing a new slate of representatives, with one exception. Currently, polling indicates a significant likelihood that Democrats will regain control of the House, which would substantially diminish Scalise’s power but also dramatically elevate Cedric Richmond, who is currently serving as the Chairman of the Congressional Black Caucus.    

We offer our recommendations, which you are welcome to embrace or discard. You are also free not to participate in the process at all.

But, in view of the seasonal and political movement away from daylight into more hours of darkness and night, we also commend to you these words:

“We must take sides. Neutrality helps the oppressor, never the victim. Silence encourages the tormentor, never the tormented.” – Elie Wiesel


District 1

There are ample rationalizations for re-electing the incumbent, Steve Scalise. Whether it’s a “vote of support” for what he went through, surviving a terrifying assassination attempt after being shot while practicing for the annual congressional softball game, or pride in Louisiana’s “influence” because of his position as U.S. House Majority Whip, arguments can be made that he should continue his work in Congress.

Yet Scalise has been a vociferous cheerleader for the policies and statements of the Trump administration, a smiling arm-twister of his congressional peers, never questioning the invective that locks immigrant children away from their mothers, demonizes the free press, or prompts assassination attempts on two former presidents, along with other perceived political enemies.

Does Scalise still represent the values, needs, interests, and aspirations of the people of his district? Or does he represent – instead – the values, needs, interests and aspirations of the party? And is his power as Whip being used to benefit people, or merely to bully them into acceptance of party actions that are antithetical to their core principles?

Scalise, who has spent much of the pre-election congressional recess on the campaign trail everywhere except Louisiana- Alabama, Florida, Georgia, Kansas, Kentucky, Michigan, Mississippi, and New York- to stump for Republican causes and candidates, has stated, “I am committed to ensuring that we maintain our House majority so we can keep building on this success.”

We recommend Tammy Savoie, to better serve Louisiana, the people of her district, and their concerns.

Her opponent Jim Francis has spoken eloquently on Scalise’s inattention to his constituents’ concerns in preference to accumulating party power, and he has also emphasized issues and policies that demand attention but are too often overlooked. We hope that Francis continues to contribute to the public discourse and believe he should consider a leadership role in helping to refocus and energize the state Democratic Party.  

However, in this election, Tammy Savoie brings a career of service, an outstanding resume, and the sense of  empathy required right now for the role of representing the 1st District.

The retired USAF lieutenant colonel, a former Chief of International Health, holds a doctorate in psychology from Emory University. She is also a single mom.

She’s is cognizant of, and impassioned about, what Louisianians need in order to progress: a living wage, dependable access to affordable physical and mental healthcare, quality education, and fairness in the overall tax structure.

“Steve Scalise has led the partisan bickering in Congress,” Savoie has stated. “He has demonstrated callous indifference toward the people of Louisiana.”

And while Savoie’s nervousness was noticeable early on in the campaign, over the past several months she has learned confidence in herself and her message. 

The Bayou Brief moderated two forums for the Democratic candidates of District One, and Savoie’s improvement as a public speaker and increased willingness to express her positions forcefully and passionately were impossible to ignore. 

(It’s also remarkably reminiscent of another candidate’s development out on the campaign trail three years ago, and just look at how well that turned out for John Bel Edwards and Louisiana.)

Savoie has grown into the role she is seeking, now exhibiting the “command presence” developed as an officer, while still retaining the compassion and willingness to listen that comes from being both a psychologist and a mom.

She has the “presence” of a congresswoman and would do us proud.


District 2

During his first two terms in Congress, Cedric Richmond maintained a relatively low-profile, primarily emphasizing issues and projects important to his hometown of New Orleans. In the middle of his second term in 2014, however, he made national headlines when he publicly defended his Republican colleague Steve Scalise after The Bayou Brief‘s Lamar White, Jr. broke the blockbuster report that Scalise had once attended an international conference for a white supremacist organization associated with David Duke. “Steve Scalise doesn’t have a racist bone in his body,” Richmond told the media. Scalise subsequently admitted to attending the conference, calling it “a mistake I regret.” 

The close friendship between the two congressmen is often held up as an example of the type of bipartisan civility that many believe is needed in Washington, D.C. Later in 2014, Richmond also defended another one of his Republican colleagues from Louisiana, Vance McAllister, who had been recorded kissing a campaign staffer on an office surveillance tape that was leaked to a member of the local media in a bizarre act of intra-party sabotage. Richmond lamented the ways in which the tape’s disclosure disgraced McAllister, arguing that “(the) two parties in this country have gone overboard… and taken joy in the pain of their supposed opponents.”

It was also in that same year, 2014, that Richmond introduced and passed his first piece of significant legislation, the Honor Flight Act, a program that facilitates and expedites travel arrangements for veterans who want to visit war memorials. Ironically, earlier this year, as first reported on social media by The Bayou Brief, Sen. John N. Kennedy was recorded at National Airport remaining seated while a large crowd stood and cheered a group of veterans deplaning an Honor Flight, which has now become a customary, albeit unofficial, protocol since Richmond’s bill became law.    

However, Richmond’s real rise to national prominence occurred in October of 2016, when he was elected Chair of the Congressional Black Caucus, only days before Donald Trump surprised the world and won the presidency despite losing the popular vote by 3 million. Trump’s divisive rhetoric and embrace of alt-right groups, along with the rise of hate crimes and violence against minorities, has been vociferously repudiated by Richmond, and under his leadership, the Congressional Black Caucus has become a significantly more powerful and more unified check against the president’s agenda. Richmond’s record of bipartisan cooperation has given him more credibility among Republicans than other members, and in this role, Richmond has truly flourished and demonstrated the breadth of his talents and experiences. 

Here in Louisiana, Cedric Richmond has also focused on inspiring and encouraging a new generation of Democratic and progressive leadership, lending his support to organizations like Emerge Louisiana and the New Leaders Council. He understands the existential need for Louisiana organizations to invest in building a bench of young leaders, and throughout his career, he has been a forceful advocate for his district’s and the state’s most vulnerable citizens. 

While we believe District 2 needs to be redrawn to ensure increased representation for African Americans in both Baton Rouge and New Orleans (currently, the district’s borders are a consequence of cynical Republican leadership in order to maximize suburban white representation), Richmond has skillfully represented his constituents and stood up to the president and against the racist policies that threaten our country’s fundamental values.

For that reason, we recommend Cedric Richmond.


District 3

What can we say about the incumbent in Louisiana’s 3rd congressional district that Clay Higgins hasn’t already said for himself?

“The free world… all of Christendom… is at war with Islamic horror….  Every conceivable measure should be engaged to hunt them down. Kill them all. For the sake of all that is good and righteous. Kill them all.” – Clay Higgins (Facebook, June 4, 2017).

“Man’s inhumanity to man can be quite shocking. This is why homeland security must be squared away, why our military must be invincible.” -Clay Higgins (Facebook live video, filmed inside the Auschwitz gas chambers, July 3, 2017).

“America is anointed by God.”– Clay Higgins (Facebook, July 4, 2018).

“American socialist Democrats are hysterical about Law Enforcement protecting illegal immigrant children at the border. They shrill about ‘separating innocent children from mothers’.” – Clay Higgins (Facebook, July 11, 2018).

“American socialists are filled with hate.”– Clay Higgins (Facebook, Aug. 14, 2018).

“The intolerant, violent socialists of America. A sad departure from the Democratic Party of the past. This will not end well for them. American Patriots will never kneel to leftist violence.” – Clay Higgins (Facebook, Oct. 13, 2018).


A term in Congress has done nothing toward applying even a minimal veneer of sophistication to Higgins’ swaggering bully-boy persona. His tendency to shoot his mouth off, which cost him at least one of his previous law enforcement jobs, remains unholstered. 

Indeed, his vocal embrace of the most xenophobic policies of the current administration has earned him the re-election endorsement of none other than Donald Trump himself.

Mimi Methvin, a former federal judge, is an able representative of the warmth and neighborliness which epitomizes the culture of the region, an intent listener who is ready with a smile, as she says, “My heart is in this fight, to invest in our communities and the potential of our people.”

Polished and professional, Methvin is a complete contrast to Higgins, who has been a caricature of Cajun Louisiana – in all the wrong ways.

Those who support Higgins because of his law-and-order tough guy stance should consider Methvin’s own law-and-order resume: Former assistant U.S. Attorney, and then U.S. Magistrate Judge for the Western District of Louisiana for 26 years, from 1983 to 2009.

And those who despair at the inability of current congressmembers to look past empowering their respective parties to come together for the good of the people as a whole, may consider the fact that Methvin is a dispute resolution mediator, who can bring those skills toward forging coalitions that together can act for the good of us all. 

Unlike Higgins, Methvin knows the people of the Third District because she actually lives in the district (Higgins lives in the Fifth District). It’s where she pays her property taxes; it’s where she buys her groceries and does all of her shopping; it’s where she and her friends and family celebrate birthdays and holidays together, at local restaurants and parks and each other’s homes; it’s where her neighbors live.

That matters. At least it should. 

Methvin’s grassroots campaign has been built entirely by the people of the Third District. She strongly opposes the influence of outside PAC money, lobbyists, and corporations, and she refuses to take a dime from anyone other than a living, breathing person who doesn’t work as a political lobbyist. “Lobbyists should succeed through good arguments, not bribery,” she says. “I will support campaign finance limits so that average citizens can have a voice in elections.”

She strongly believes in the urgent need to fully fund coastal restoration and has pledged to work in Congress to make that issue a top priority. Environmental degradation poses more of an existential and immediate threat to the people of the Third District than almost anywhere else in the entire country.

Methvin believes that healthcare should be a fundamental right, not a privilege to be enjoyed only by those with means, and she understands the importance of a robust and innovative public education system.

Because of her decades of experience as a lawyer and a judge, she is keenly aware of the ways in which crime has plagued the communities of her district, and she also knows that the current system incentivizes incarceration over real solutions.

“The failed war on drugs has driven mass incarceration, which in turn has driven a prison-industrial complex for private financial gain,” she explains. “In this climate, there are incentives for high arrest rates, especially in poor communities, so that jail beds are kept full, and revenue streams from court assessments and fines can continue to fund local and state institutions. This cycle must stop. We must invest in people, not in crime.”

Methvin does not need to parade around her district in an armored tank with a fake badge in order to prove she understands these issues. She is not an actor or a viral video star.

Mimi Methvin is a real Louisianian, with a real record of thoughtful, public service.

We recommend the people of southwest Louisiana look toward someone experienced in weighing the impact of her words before delivering them: Mimi Methvin.


District 4

“During my time as a political strategist, one of the most vexing problems was figuring out why so many people vote against their perceived interests,” James Carville once famously admitted. If you otherwise didn’t know, for some reason, that Carville is from Louisiana (from Carville, Louisiana, to be precise), then it probably wouldn’t surprise you.

Political strategists aren’t the only people who are vexed by the fact that people vote against their own interests, and while, yes, the observation can be made about people from all corners of the country, it is disproportionately true of voters in Louisiana, just as it was, until relatively recently, of people in Kansas. Remember the book What’s the Matter with Kansas? 

Only two years ago, a sociologist from the University of California- Berkeley published an entire book, Strangers in Their Own Land, about why people in Louisiana vote against their own interests. Unfortunately, there is no witty or pithy explanation; if there were, there would also be an accompanying witty or pithy quote from James Carville.

Yet, we understand, at least on a superficial level, why Mike Johnson of Bossier City catapulted so quickly from an obscure state representative to the halls of Congress. Even those who vehemently disagree with him will reluctantly acknowledge: Mike Johnson is one of those people who seem to have been genetically-engineered to become a politician.

As a state representative, Johnson was almost obsequiously kind to his critics in the media, understanding he possesses a preternatural talent for throwing people off-balance by the sheer force of his charisma. When he authored a bill that attempted to allow private businesses to discriminate against LGBTQ citizens on the basis of the business owner’s “religious beliefs,” even one of the state’s most accomplished gay rights lobbyists acknowledged to The Advocate that Johnson’s polite earnestness was disarming.

Johnson looks younger than he is; he has a bunch of cute kids, who star in his political commercials, and if he weren’t a politician, he could probably earn a living recording voiceovers for television commercials.

It all sells. It works. And the only plausible explanation for his success isn’t that the majority of the people of the Fourth District agree with his policy positions; it’s that most voters haven’t really paid much attention to what he’s actually saying.

Johnson is a Christian dominionist. He may disagree, politely of course, with that characterization, but it’s undeniably true.

There is an important difference between being a Christian evangelist and a Christian dominionist: Evangelicals believe in persuading nonbelievers to accept and adopt a certain set of religious beliefs; dominionists, on other hand, believe in transforming American government into a theocracy. That’s dangerous.

Johnson, notably, preaches the importance of civility in our politics. Despite his religiosity and his performances about civility, he has enabled the current administration’s inhumane policies toward immigrants and their children, LGBTQ Americans, and the glorification of alt-right zealots as “very fine people.” This makes him complicit in the rise of an American government that quells constitutional rights of our most vulnerable in favor of a corporatist nationalism. 

For I was hungry and you gave Me nothing to eat, I was thirsty and you gave Me nothing to drink, I was a stranger and you did not take Me in, I was naked and you did not clothe Me, I was sick and in prison and you did not visit Me.’

And they too will reply, ‘Lord, when did we see You hungry or thirsty or a stranger or naked or sick or in prison, and did not minister to You?’

Then the King will answer, ‘Truly I tell you, whatever you did not do for one of the least of these, you did not do for Me.’

Matthew 25:42-45 

By contrast, Ryan Trundle is running on a platform that advocates, “One of the government’s most important responsibilities is to promote the general welfare by making sure everyone has safe, well paying jobs and the ability to acquire the skills for those jobs no matter their ethnicity, gender identity, religion, age or disabilities.”

Trundle also advocates for universal, quality healthcare for all, and he believes in enhancing consumer protections, rather than dismantling the regulatory framework. “The consequences for us can be deadly, because without regulation, none of us are safe and insurance companies, Wall Street banks, dangerous hospitals and other wrongdoers can get away with the worst,” he writes.

Therefore, we recommend Ryan Trundle as an alternative to the incumbent. 


District 5

Louisiana is one of the poorest states in the country, and the Fifth District, which spans all the way from the Arkansas border to the Florida parishes, is the poorest in the state, the tenth most impoverished district in the entire country.

It takes thirteen hours to drive, roundtrip, from one end of the district to the other. It’s an expansive yet often forgotten part of the state, but it is also the birthplace of Louisiana’s most legendary politician, Huey P. Long.  

Louisiana populism was created in the rural villages and the piny woods of the Fifth, though, back then, much of the area belonged to the now-defunct Eighth District. It’s where Jimmie Davis first sang “You Are My Sunshine,” a song he purchased from two brothers in Georgia and eventually became an anthem synonymous with Louisiana and helped launch Davis into the Governor’s Mansion. It’s where the Kingfish first proclaimed the slogan, “Every Man a King,” an aspiration that could only have come from a place so overwhelmed by poverty.

The Fifth is also where Solomon Northup spent much of his twelve years in slavery and where Harriet Beecher Stowe visited before writing the book that changed the course of American history, Uncle Tom’s Cabin. It is the location of the only UNESCO World Heritage Site in the Deep South, a series of 3,200 earthen mounds built by indigenous Americans and aptly named Poverty Point.

It is the home of the Long dynasty and Duck Dynasty

Though some may argue otherwise, Louisiana’s Fifth District is also represented in Congress by a man who seems more out-of-touch from his constituents than anyone else in the state’s federal delegation, a wealthy white Republican physician named Ralph Abraham.

Abraham arrived on Capitol Hill only four years ago, after beating a member of the Dynasty of Duck, a young conservative named Zach Dasher, and Jamie Mayo, the African American mayor of Monroe. The Fifth District isn’t only the tenth poorest in the country; it also is home to more African Americans than any other district in the nation currently held by a Republican. When he was first elected in 2014, he could have counted his support among black voters on his hands; Mayo captured 35.8% of the electorate, approximately the same percentage of African Americans who live in the Fifth.   

Although he is not well-known even among his own constituents and almost entirely unfamiliar to the rest of  the state, Ralph Abraham, after only four years in office, already has his sights set on the Governor’s Mansion. His record, thus far, is woefully far-right though largely not notable. Local conservative talk radio listeners appear to be his core constituency.

He proudly co-sponsored legislation that attempted to scrub the very few rights of transgender Americans by requiring courts to dismiss the entire premise of gender identity. 

He’s a millionaire who has received more than $440,000 in federal farm subsidies while railing against food stamps.

He’s a medical doctor who, on multiple occasions, has demonstrated an embarrassing lack of basic knowledge about the Affordable Care Act. Although Medicaid expansion has cut the uninsured rate in half in his district and improved access to health care more dramatically than anywhere else in Louisiana, Abraham opposes the decision, lamenting that he could not provide medical care to poor people in his community because he charges too much.

The man who created Louisiana’s charity hospital system was born and raised about an hour down Highways 133 and 124 from the millionaire doctor who represents that district in Congress.

Fortunately, this year, voters in the Fifth District have an alternative to Ralph Abraham, and although he may not be able to pull off a miracle victory this year, Jessee Carlton Fleenor of Loranger, Louisiana may be running one of the most remarkable and notable campaigns in the entire state. 

At first glance, Fleenor may be easy to dismiss; he is a young, white, progressive from a town so tiny it isn’t actually incorporated. He speaks with the slow cadence of a rural Southern Baptist preacher. He earns his living by growing vegetables on his small family farm. But it’d be a mistake to let any of that fool you: Fleenor is one of the most intelligent and insightful candidates The Bayou Brief has encountered this year. 

On issue after issue, Fleenor demonstrated a deep command of both foreign and domestic policy, but more importantly, unlike the incumbent, Jessee Carlton Fleenor understands and can articulate the needs and concerns of the people of the Fifth District.

He is running a shoe-string, grassroots campaign, with only one paid staff member, and during the past several months, he has put thousands of miles on his old Dodge pickup truck, visiting all 24 of the district’s parishes and speaking with anybody and everybody willing to give him their ear.

Fleenor is building more than a campaign; he is stitching together a working coalition that, once properly assembled and organized, could become a blueprint for the future of Louisiana.

For that reason alone, we enthusiastically recommend Jessee Carlton Fleenor for the Fifth District.


District 6

Incumbent Garret Graves endeavors to give every impression of being the more moderate of Louisiana’s current Republican congressional delegation. Yet even as he represents a portion of the third poorest state in the nation, he has proven to be a reliable vote for GOP bills that would deepen the effects of that poverty, voting consistently to gut the ACA and supporting the reverse-Robin-Hood income tax revamp that robs the poor while giving to the rich.

He even authored the “SNAP Reform Act” in June of 2017, with its mandate that “must work for food.” This, along with his support of a similar requirement in the 2018 Farm Bill, indicates he subscribes to the Republican meme, “If you’re poor, it’s because you’re lazy.” Of course, that conveniently ignores the mountains of economic research to the contrary.

Graves’ silence in the face of every immoderate utterance and action by this President shows – more than anything else – that he is not the moderate he would have us believe. As our representative, he is speaking clearly with his silence, saying we, the people, agree to “shut up and do as you’re told.”

We recommend to you Justin DeWitt, who has demonstrated by his very candidacy that he is not afraid to speak out.

DeWitt has been frank and open that he is gay, making it a biographical fact, rather than an issue. Personable and enthusiastic, he is eager to discuss the true issues that face the nation, state, and district. A land surveyor by trade, he holds a deep reverence for Louisiana’s soil, waters, culture, and – most importantly – her people’s need to grow and thrive.

Unlike Graves, who talks a good game on coastal restoration but remains philosophically and financially in the “protect-the-oil-and-gas-industry-because-JOBS” camp, DeWitt cuts through the obfuscation.

“These companies come in and they destroy our marshland. What will happen when you sue them? Republicans tell people that they’re going to lose their jobs, that the economy will be devastated. But what are the oil companies going to do? Move? They’re not going anywhere,” DeWitt explains. “They have multi-billion dollar plants here; they’re getting away with not paying taxes that they should be.”

DeWitt has kept his boots on the ground throughout the campaign, knocking on doors throughout the district, meeting face-to-face with groups large and small to listen to their concerns and incorporate their needs into his to-do list once he gets to Congress.

And he’s been unflinching in condemning the direction this nation is being steered toward.

“I reject the politics of hatred, resentment and division that simply are not American values,” DeWitt tweeted earlier this week. “Vote against the hate that is tearing us apart.”

DeWitt’s overall campaign message sums up our reasons for recommending him: “I am you.”

For Shreveport Mayor, We Recommend Steven Jackson

AUDIO: To listen to the article, press play.


One year ago, on Oct. 19th, the Caddo Parish Commission voted 7-to-5 to remove a Confederate monument that has loomed over the entrance to the parish courthouse since 1906, more than a half a century after the end of the Civil War. The decision to remove that monument, coming in the immediate aftermath of New Orleans Mayor Mitch Landrieu’s controversial decision to rid his city of prominent tributes to Confederate leaders, is even more remarkable considering the ways in which Caddo Parish has glorified the Lost Cause movement more than anywhere else in the state.

Shreveport was, infamously, the last city in the American South to admit defeat by officially lowering the Confederate flag.   

In an essay published by The Bayou Brief last December, Jennifer Hill brilliantly and exhaustively documented Shreveport’s brutally and shamefully racist past.

“As most of us recognize, the end of the Civil War and the emancipation of slaves did not mean freedom for African-Americans, and it especially did not mean that in Caddo Parish,” Hill writes. “In the decade following the Civil War, white men in Caddo Parish were killing and terrorizing African-Americans in such high numbers that the parish earned the name, ‘Bloody Caddo.’”  

Although many people deserve credit and praise for their tireless work to remove a monument to white supremacy that stands like a guard in front of the courthouse doors, most Shreveporters understand that had it not been for the extraordinary and courageous leadership of a 32-year-old African American, the effort would have never succeeded. That young leader was Caddo Parish Commission President Steven Jackson, who is now running to become the city’s next mayor. 

“That moment meant to me we were closing a very dark chapter in Caddo Parish,”  Jackson told The Bayou Brief immediately after the vote.

“It was a smoke signal to the rest of Louisiana and the country that we are a more inclusive, tolerant, and progressive parish than we were when an all-white police jury in 1903 agreed to place the monument,” he said. 

If elected, Jackson would not be the youngest mayor ever elected in Shreveport; that distinction belongs to the late Mayor Jim Gardner, who was elected in 1954 at the age of only 30. Although Gardner only served a single term in the mayor’s office, he is often credited as being the city’s most consequential and visionary leader of the twentieth century. When he lost his bid for reelection, The Shreveport Times published an extraordinary tribute.

“He is clearly Shreveport’s ‘first citizen.’ That truth does not, nor should not diminish any other person, for there are truly others in this community whose contributions have been grand,” the paper gushed. “But Jim Gardner has been a giant in our midst. He was the rare combination of theoretician and practitioner. His keen mind developed the ideals to fullness on the frontlines of politics as a legislator, mayor and city councilman.”

Like Jackson, Gardner received his education here in Louisiana; like Jackson, Gardner first became a leader in his community when he was only in his early twenties, and like Jackson, Jim Gardner was always, relentlessly and proudly, a champion of the people of Shreveport. Instead of retreating from public life following his defeat in 1958 and until his death in 2010, Gardner found other ways to serve the people of Shreveport and became a mentor to countless others, including Cedric Glover, the city’s first-ever African American mayor.  

It may surprise some Shreveporters to learn how young Jackson is, because he has been in the public arena for longer than many of the other candidates. It may also surprise some that Jackson is actually the youngest candidate on the ballot; Adrian Perkins, who has made his youth and educational pedigree at the center of his campaign, is nearly a year older.  

We are impressed by Perkins’ educational accomplishments and deeply respect his service to our country as a Captain and Company Commander in the Army. We are not convinced, however, that Perkins has yet acquired the education and experience necessary to lead a city of 192,000 people with a $220 million annual budget. Perkins only returned to Shreveport earlier this year, after spending nearly fifteen years away, and instead of first announcing his intention to seek public office in Shreveport to the people of Shreveport, he published a letter in the Harvard Crimson; only months prior, Perkins told another Harvard publication he was considering a career in technology law in California.  

Jackson, meanwhile, may not have an Ivy League degree, but over the past decade, he has earned an invaluable education in learning and solving the problems that plague his hometown. As a member and as President of the Caddo Parish Commission, Jackson has earned the bipartisan support of his colleagues on a range of issues. 

Consider what Republican Caddo Parish Commissioner Matthew Linn recently wrote in a letter to The Shreveport Times endorsing Jackson for mayor

Steven has consistently shown himself to be a creative problem solver, a brave leader and a person of integrity.  And throughout this year’s campaign, I believe he has laid out the most thoughtful, most detailed, most ambitious and most credible platform of all the candidates.

As a Republican, I generally favor slightly-to-the-right policies which keep government spending low and hold public officials and employees accountable. Commissioner Jackson’s legislative record is extraordinary in this regard.

In his first year in office, Jackson introduced, and with his one additional vote, passed bills which canceled annual pay raises for commissioners, prevented commissioners from receiving public retirement funds and slashed bloated commission travel allowances (this makes Steven the only candidate for mayor who has actually voted himself a pay cut).

There is a reason incumbent Mayor Ollie Tyler has generated such a crowded field of opponents. While she is genuinely likable and has experienced and survived more than her fair share of personal trauma, she has proven to be incapable of assembling a leadership team that understands the nuts and bolts of municipal governance and articulating a message that ensures residents are informed about the high stakes of something as simple as a millage renewal. 

Shreveport, like many other cities in Louisiana, is plagued by violent crime, and the next mayor must understand both how to immediately address a law enforcement culture that, fairly or not, appears woefully out-of-touch with the community it serves and the long-term problems that create the conditions for crime to flourish. 

In every candidate forum, Jackson has demonstrated a command of those issues: Persistent poverty, institutional barriers that African Americans often face when applying for a decent job, a struggling educational system, and a lack of empathy for the city’s most vulnerable children and young adults. Many white conservatives may prefer Republican candidate Jim Taliaferro, who has made his law enforcement background the centerpiece of his campaign, but the notion that crime can only be addressed by treating an American city as if it is an active combat zone or in need of militarization, a message implied by recent endorsements issued by Taliaferro’s campaign, has been proven in countless cities across the country to only exacerbate the divisions that contribute to violence. Similarly, Perkins, a Democrat, has articulated a crime prevention plan that draws on his military experience and conflates the issues of urban violent crime with war against enemies of the United States.

While Taliaferro and Perkins have both admirably served our country in the military (and Perkins frequently tells audiences of an early memory he has about hiding under his bed in fear of nearby gang violence), only Steven Jackson has experienced, first-hand, what it means to lose family members to violent crime in Shreveport. He does not dramatize it, nor does he exploit it to gain a political advantage, but the truth is that Steven lost both his brother and his father to violent crime.

For most of us, the ability to endure such tragedies without losing our sense of empathy and without becoming consumed by cynicism and despair would seem nearly impossible, but for Steven, it has strengthened his resolve and provided him with the unique ability to approach the issue of crime prevention with a thorough understanding of its complexities. Yes, Shreveport desperately needs more officers and improved technology, but it also must understand the ways in which crime, race, and poverty are so inextricably connected.

There is one final reason we recommend Steven Jackson, and it may be the most important thing for voters to consider when they head to the polls on Tuesday. On Aug. 17th, Jackson received a violently threatening piece of hate mail at his family home. “LEAVE OUR STATUE & PROPERTY ALONE & GET OUT OF THE RACE N*****,” the letter read, underneath a famous campaign image of former President Barack Obama, superimposed with Jackson’s face and captioned with one word, “ROPE.”  

Jackson could have erupted with anger, and he would have been well-justified in doing so. He could have also allowed the letter to intimidate him and decide to withdraw, citing concern for his safety and the safety of his family. He could have been dispirited and turned his campaign negative. But that isn’t what he did. 

Instead, Steven Jackson held a press conference that afternoon, and he said something remarkable, something that perfectly illustrates why we are so proud to make Steven Jackson of Shreveport, Louisiana the very first candidate we have ever recommended for office. 

“To the persons who place these racist messages at our doorstep, we love you,” he said. “We want to let you know we love you.”

The Jumbled Jungle: A Note on Recommendations

The Bayou Brief is a nonprofit news publication organized and established to better inform the people of Louisiana of the stories and events that affect their livelihoods, their communities, their culture, their environment, and the decisions made by their elected officials. We do not accept donations or contribute money or resources to political candidates (though we do not believe in constraining the rights of any of our contributors from personally donating money to whomever they may support and believe it is essential to our integrity as a democracy to promote- and not discourage- the fundamental right to vote and participate).

As a publication, however, our singular objective is only to publish fact-based, investigative journalism and informed commentary that contributes to the public discourse.

This is our first year in which we face the decision on whether to issue candidate recommendations, and it is not a decision we take lightly. For one, unlike those in the corporate media, we do not yet have the resources or the capacity to conduct interviews with every candidate in every election. We also are cognizant that readers who disagree with our recommendations may misinterpret our motives and analysis. Many news publications avoid recommendations completely for these exact reasons.

But ideally, recommendations can offer a publication like The Bayou Brief the best and most important opportunity to articulate the values to which we aspire and to inform readers about which candidates, in our assessment, offer better solutions and stronger leadership for our state and our nation.

During the next three days, we will publish our recommendations for Louisiana Secretary of State, all six Congressional districts, mayor of Shreveport, and two clerk of court races in Orleans Parish.  

In one of those races, we are recommending two candidates, who we believe are all equally worthy of consideration.

Late tonight, we will publish our recommendations for both of the Orleans Parish Clerk of Court races and the race for Shreveport mayor.

Video Commentary | An historic election in Alexandria should not be hijacked by hatred

Fair warning: This video is an hour and fourteen minutes long, and chances are that if you’re not from Central Louisiana, you may doze off within the first ten minutes. But if  you are from CenLa, I encourage you to watch this, because the vitriol expressed against my reporting reveals a lot of uncomfortable but important truths about the state of the region’s toxic politics.

Celeta McCall (pictured above, photo source: Facebook) and her son Tavares Swafford have spent the better part of the past week on their online radio show smearing me as a racist for publishing a series of reports about the Alexandria mayor’s race, reports that exclusively concerned campaign finance disclosures, polling data, and a potentially illegal sample ballot. 

This is my response (best viewed in full screen mode): 



The original videos can be located via Facebook.  

The Saints make a move to shore up their secondary

The hot rumor going around over the last week was that the Saints might make a legitimate play for Patrick Peterson (who played his college ball at LSU). Peterson asked for a trade from Arizona, and the 28-year-old All-Pro cornerback and kick returner would have massively strengthened the cornerback position, with a legitimate debate as to whether he or Marshon Lattimore would’ve been the top guy. The Cardinals didn’t want to trade Peterson though, and between the size of the contract and the compensation Arizona would have been seeking, it seemed like a difficult gap to breach in order to make a match. So the Saints went a different direction, trading with the New York Giants for cornerback Eli Apple, a talented player (and former top-10 pick) who’d struggled with off-field issues in his career and whom the current regime apparently didn’t feel would be part of their rebuild, even though he’s just 23 years old. The Saints gave up a 2019 fourth-round pick and a 2020 seventh-round pick, and even though their 2019 draft is completely gutted (one pick in the first four rounds!), it’s very unlikely they’d find a player as talented as Apple with that fourth-round pick. (And certainly not if they use their day-3 picks the way they did in April: their fourth-round pick from this year is currently on the Los Angeles Rams practice squad.) Apple probably shouldn’t have been a top-ten pick: Some observers (including me) suspect the Giants panicked at #10 after their board was demolished. (Their interest in linebacker offensive tackle Jack Conklin and linebacker Leonard Floyd leaked before the draft, and the Titans and Bears, respectively, traded ahead of the Giants to #8 and #9 to take them.) That said, most grades I saw on Apple rated him between a late first-rounder and a third-rounder, and that entire range is better than a fourth-round pick (the seventh-rounder in 2020 is negligible). Apple is still young, too; like Marshon Lattimore, he came out of college as a redshirt sophomore and wouldn’t turn 21 until the summer before his first NFL season. He’s only 23 now. For comparison, Anthony Averett, a cornerback taken in the fourth round by the Baltimore Ravens this year, is older than Apple. (In an odd bit of trivia, Lattimore is no longer the highest-drafted cornerback from Ohio State on the team.) There are reasons to be optimistic for Apple as the team’s #2 cornerback. (There are reasons to be concerned, of course, but we’ll get to those.) He’s a very good athlete, not on the level of Lattimore but well above-average, especially for his size. He’s played well when he’s been on the field this year, missing two games with a calf injury but playing five games and breaking up five passes. We can see on a play like this one (at the top of the screen):
View post on imgur.com
Apple’s form isn’t perfect– few players are as smooth or have the kind of excellent technique and mirroring Lattimore does– but Apple stays with Alshon Jeffery and doesn’t bite on his first break on the out-and-up route. His athleticism allows him to stay with the play, and his size allows him to avoid getting outmuscled for the ball, (It’s difficult to tell, but Apple’s tight coverage seems to force Carson Wentz to throw it further ahead of Jeffery than he would like– and Apple gets his hand on the ball to break up the pass anyway.) Passes defensed numbers aren’t always the best measure, but Apple has defended five in his five games this year. Better evidence comes in Football Outsiders’ defensive statistics. The Giants are 26th in the league in covering WR1s, and 5th covering WR2s. On the defensive left (offensive right) of the field, they’re 7th in the league at covering passing, while 14th on the other side and 32nd down the middle. Janoris Jenkins is the top cornerback in New York, and usually plays the defensive right side; Apple is the second cornerback and normally plays on the left side. It’s not a perfect match, in part because Apple missed two games, but the evidence suggests his play has been pretty solid. Apple’s value has been depressed in part because of the off-field controversies around him in 2017. Apple had run-ins with teammates and coaches, to the point where safety Landon Collins called him “a cancer” (though he later walked back his comments) and was suspended by the team. This seems to have been largely caused by family drama; Apple had a falling out with his stepfather Tim, and his mother Annie has been blamed by several sources for being too vocal and controlling in her son’s life. (It would be unfair of me to speculate as to who bears responsibility for what; this nj.com article seems to shed some light in a reasonably fair and objective manner.) Whatever the case, Apple’s play significantly fell off in 2017 but seems to have rebounded this year, and he’s young enough that there’s still a lot of reason to hope for growth from him. He seems like a worthwhile investment for the Saints’ cornerback problem, especially since adding a player at a position like cornerback has a cascading effect on the defense: If Apple steps in as the #2 cornerback and thus covers #2 WRs, then Ken Crawley can stick to #3 WRs, which he’ll have more success against, and on down the line. The hope is that in New Orleans, Apple will not only have a fresh start but a more solid support system, joining two of his teammates in the Ohio State secondary, Marshon Lattimore and Vonn Bell. (Michael Thomas was also their teammate at Ohio State.) On the field, the idea is that the familiarity will make communication in the secondary easier, and that Apple’s athleticism will allow for a greater variety of coverages to be executed successfully, whereas Crawley was fairly successful in man coverage but often struggled in zone. (Crawley also didn’t have the athleticism to keep up with some of the speedier second wide receivers such as DeSean Jackson.) Apple reported he expects to play on Sunday, which had been in question as he was still nursing an ankle injury. While it’s not certain, we should get a chance Sunday night against the Minnesota Vikings to see what Apple can bring to the defense. And it won’t be a moment too soon: The Vikings have one of the league’s most productive receivers in Adam Thielen and another dynamic top-flight player in Stefon Diggs. The Vikings have rebounded from a sluggish start to get to 4-2-1, which makes them serious competition for playoff seeding. The Saints will have to play their best on both sides of the ball to take this one, and how Eli Apple works into the secondary could be a significant part of that. And even if it’s not, strengthening one of the weakest parts of the defense is vital to the Saints’ Super Bowl this year, and they made what seems to me to be a solid value play to upgrade the unit enough for it to no longer be the liability it has been for stretches of the season.

Constitutional Amendments: Where Do “Union, Justice and Confidence” Fit In?

On November 6th, Louisiana’s voters again face the decision of whether to make more amendments to the state constitution – six more, to be exact.

Since this state Constitution was enacted in 1974, it has been amended 189 times. Yet one of the reasons for composing this, Louisiana’s eleventh primary governing document, was because the 1921 version which preceded it had been amended 536 times.

Compare that to the United States Constitution. In 231 years, it has acquired just 27 amendments.

A constitution is supposed to outline the organization of government, set forth (and limit) governmental powers, and list citizens’ rights. We have other laws,, called “statutes”, which deal with nitty-gritty details of governance, including tax rates, special state funds, crimes, and the punishments for convictions.

With that in mind, let’s examine the proposed amendments, asking three questions of each:

What are we being asked to add, change, or tweak this time?

Is that modification appropriately done constitutionally, or can it be accomplished by statute?

And who will benefit if we, the people, say yes to the alterations?

The third question is important to the discussion, for many of the amendments previously added to Louisiana’s constitution were put there to protect special interests from legislative interference. As a result, we have a plethora of constitutionally-dedicated funds that can’t be touched, as well as constitutionally-protected tax breaks that have become sacred cows. And even though state lawmakers – by a two-thirds majority of each chamber – are the ones who write and approve amendments first, before sending them to the voters, state legislators have also been the loudest to complain that their fiscal hands are tied, due to these dedications approved by the people because we wanted to keep legislative hands out of the cookie jar.

Now, let’s look at the topics lawmakers have decided we, the voters, should be allowed to express our opinions and votes toward or against.

Amendment 1: “Do you support an amendment to prohibit a convicted felon from seeking or holding public office or appointment within five years of completion of his sentence unless he is pardoned?”

This is an issue voters addressed in 1998, just after four-time Gov. Edwin Edwards had been indicted on racketeering charges around the riverboat casino contracts. Voters then approved an amendment prohibiting convicted felons from seeking and holding office for 15 years after completion of sentence. In 2016, that amendment was thrown out by the Louisiana Supreme Court, due some language missing from the version voters saw.

Other laws regarding elected and appointed officeholders with felonies are statutes: removal from office if convicted of a felony, and a prohibition against seeking office while time remains on the original sentence – in other words, while on probation or parole. This particular prohibition could also be handled statutorily.

Technically, one’s “debt to society” is paid in full at the completion of the sentence. Of course, with certain sex crimes, ranging from flashing to child molestation, we require the perpetrator to register as a sex offender following completion of the sentence. We have – by statute – turned the punishment for those crimes into a life sentence.

But we did not do this constitutionally: the rules regarding registration of sex offenders are all statutes.

Does anyone truly benefit from putting this in Louisiana’s constitution?

Credit: Angola Museum

Amendment 2: “Do you support an amendment to require a unanimous jury verdict in all noncapital felony cases for offenses that are committed on or after January 1, 2019?”

While the U.S. Constitution does not specifically require a unanimous jury of twelve for criminal convictions, the traditional practice and judicial precedent has long been that “due process of law”, with regard to liberty-depriving crimes includes proving “beyond a reasonable doubt” that the individual on trial did indeed commit the crime. From Louisiana’s admission into the union in 1812 until 1898, a unanimous jury was the law of this land.

But in the post-Reconstruction era, Louisiana’s 1898 Constitution changed that, permitting 9-3 verdicts for felony convictions. Ostensibly, this was to “relieve the parishes of the enormous burden of costs in criminal trials.” But the records of that constitutional convention show that its leader, E.B. Kruttschnitt, also stated that they were looking for “purification of the electorate” and the elimination of “the mass of corrupt and illiterate voters who have degraded our politics” – code words for white supremacy.

That provision was retained in the 1921 Louisiana constitution, then modified in the 1974 constitution, nudging the bar for conviction slightly upward to require a 10-2 conviction.

Does this change to unanimous juries belong in our state constitution now? Absolutely, for it returns and enacts the guarantees made at the beginning of that document, which states “All government, of right, originates with the people, is founded on their will alone, and is instituted to protect the rights of the individual and for the good of the whole. Its only legitimate ends are to secure justice for all, preserve peace, protect the rights, and promote the happiness and general welfare of the people.”

Who benefits, if this change is made? We all do. As state Sen. Dan Claitor (R-Baton Rouge) asked rhetorically during the debate over the amendment, “Is 10 out of 12 good enough for your children? Is 10 out of 12 good enough for your wife? Is 10 out of 12 good enough for your neighbor?”

Is 10 out of 12 truly “beyond a reasonable doubt”? If you were on trial, would 10 out of 12 be “good enough” for you?

Amendment 3: “Do you support an amendment to permit, pursuant to written agreement, the donation of the use of public equipment and personnel by a political subdivision upon request to another political subdivision for an activity or function which the requesting political subdivision is authorized to exercise?”

Currently, Louisiana’s constitution prohibits governmental agencies from donating or loaning resources except in emergencies. State statute, however, allows the sharing of resources, as long as there’s a written cooperative endeavor agreement in place to protect against governmental agencies simply “giving away” the proceeds from their own taxpayers.

In other words, it’s an unnecessary constitutional change.

Credit: Louisiana State Police on Facebook

Amendment 4: “Do you support an amendment to remove authority to appropriate or dedicate monies in the Transportation Trust Fund to state police for traffic control purposes?”

The Transportation Trust Fund, enacted as a constitutional amendment in 1990, dedicates the proceeds of the state fuel tax to road, bridge, port, airport and flood control construction and maintenance. But it also included the phrase “state police for traffic control purposes”. And while there are instances of legitimate use of a small portion of TTF for state police traffic control purposes – such as instituting contraflow for hurricane evacuations – is appropriate and necessary on occasion, previous administrations tapped TTF as general purpose funding for state police, under the guise of “traffic control.”

While the lawmakers passed a law in 2015, limiting any use of TTF funds for state police to $10-million per year, to take them completely out of the fund does require amending the constitutional amendment that created the Transportation Trust Fund in the first place.

In view of the $14-billion backlog of heretofore unfunded transportation construction needs in Louisiana, this amendment helps restore some of the public “trust” that the Transportation Trust Fund will be used for infrastructure. And considering that TTF is a finite resource, based on a per-gallon fuel tax. Its buying power dwindles each year, due in part to inflationary costs for construction, but also due to manufacturer and consumer moves toward more fuel-efficient vehicles and alternative fuel sources to power those vehicles. Additionally, incidents such as the Sunshine Bridge support being damaged by a barge require emergency spending on repairs, shifting millions from other scheduled projects and therefore adding to the backlog.

Opponents of the amendment, primarily ultra-conservatives, argue that Louisiana needs to remove restrictions on spending state tax dollars, rather than enhancing them. Some also suggest this is merely another step toward raising the fuel tax – a public relations move to make people more receptive to that idea.

Who benefits if this amendment passes? Not state police, certainly. But ensuring that fuel tax dollars are used for transportation construction and repairs could help reduce the wear and tear on your vehicle, insurance costs, and enhance commerce, as well as the economy.

Credit: Mark Carroll

Amendment 5: “Do you support an amendment to extend eligibility for the following special property tax treatments to property in trust: the special assessment level for property tax valuation, the property tax exemption for property of a disabled veteran, and the property tax exemption for the surviving spouse of a person who died while performing their duties as a first responder, active duty member of the military, or law enforcement or fire protection officer?”

Louisiana’s homestead exemption is one the state’s most notable “sacred cows.” It exempts homeowners from paying any property taxes on the first $75,000 value of their primary residence. Voters have granted additional property tax breaks to certain classes of people, including the elderly, disabled veterans, and surviving spouses of military members killed in action. This change would allow those qualifying for the enhanced property tax breaks to keep them, even after putting their primary residence in trust, which confers other tax benefits.

While the state constitution does not expressly prohibit levying a state property tax, Louisiana has not done so, leaving property taxes as the domain of parish and other local governing agencies. Each state-granted exemption from property tax (referred to as “ad valorem taxes” in the state constitution) then reduces the funds available for local government to provide services.

Where do we draw the line on tax exemptions for special interests?

Credit: Youtube: RealtyNxt

Amendment 6: “Do you support an amendment that will require that any reappraisal of the value of residential property by more than 50%, resulting in a corresponding increase in property taxes, be phased-in over the course of four years during which time no additional reappraisal can occur and that the decrease in the total ad valorem tax collected as a result of the phase-in of assessed valuation be absorbed by the taxing authority and not allocated to the other taxpayers?”

Let’s say your home was valued at $150,000 four years ago, and now it’s assessed at $225,000. This amendment would let pay property taxes on a value of $167,000 this year, $184,000 next year, $201,000 the year after that, and on $225,000 in the fourth year – just in time for the next quadrennial reassessment.

But what if your $150,000 home was now valued at $220,000, or $210,000? You’d be paying 47% more, or 40% more in property taxes for the entire time.

This amendment, if passed, effectively contradicts the third enumerated right at the beginning of our state constitution, to wit: “No person shall be denied the equal protection of the laws.”

In addition to the underlying question of fairness, there’s a problem with the ballot language. It does not match the actual content of the legislation. The House amended this constitutional amendment, which started as Senate Bill 164, to make it only applicable to properties that qualify for the homestead exemption. They also made the tax collector (the sheriff) responsible for the phase in, not the assessor. But the House did not change the original ballot language to match.

Bottom line? This amendment, even if approved by voters, is very likely to have its constitutionality challenged in court.

The Bayou Brief’s recommendation, however, is simple. Rights, like the muscles of your body, atrophy when they’re not used. So exercise your rights, and vote.