Saturday, March 15, 2025

A different way to win

Four days after Tre’Quan Smith was the breakout receiver for New Orleans in the win over Philadelphia, he missed the Thanksgiving night game with a foot injury. No matter: Even with his receiving corp depleted further, Drew Brees was consistent, but even more so, the defense and running game stepped up when it mattered and helped the Saints secure a 31-10 win. The loss of another familiar target showed in parts of the game tonight, as some of Brees’ throws just missed receivers, for the most part likely a product of not being fully on the same page yet. (Playing on a short week didn’t help, either.) Brees was only able to target Michael Thomas six times, and two of those didn’t connect. (Thomas finished with four catches for 38 yards; he also drew a pass-interference penalty.) Near-touchdowns that Ben Watson and Dan Arnold couldn’t hang on to didn’t help, either. Nonetheless, Brees still threw for four touchdowns, even if it was combined with “only” 171 yards. Going 15/22– a 68% completion rate– would be good for almost anyone else, but of course it lowered Brees’ overall completion percentage. He also threw his second interception of the year on a ball that sailed high– perhaps missing because Keith Kirkwood was possibly interfered with. There was no call on the play, but #18 is lined up on the left of the formation. Watch him closely and decide for yourself:
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Still, even though technically it was one of Brees’ worst games of the season, it remained impressive given the targets he was working with. No offense to Tommylee Lewis, Dan Arnold, Keith Kirkwood, or Austin Carr, but the history books don’t lie: According to the Elias Sports Bureau, this is the first time in the Super Bowl era a team has had four undrafted players catch a touchdown in the same game. It’s also the first time since the 1984 Pittsburgh Steelers that a team has had four players score their first or second career touchdowns in the same game. (Source) The offense sputtered at times– Thomas Morstead punted three times, a season high– but the defense had one of its best seasons in the big-play department. Despite a few too many completions given up downfield, particularly in important and/or long situations– the Falcons were 4-for-6 on fourth down– the Falcons only scored one touchdown before a garbage-time drive on their final possession, in large part because the big plays the Saints made stalled or killed drives. New Orleans had six sacks and forced four turnovers, an A.J. Klein interception on a passed tipped by Tyeler Davison, and three fumbles, all forced inside the red zone, and two of them at New Orleans’ three-yard line. Without those big plays, the game is a lot closer; Atlanta could have easily scored 17 points on the three fumbled drives (the other fumble was at the Saints’ 17 near the end of the first half). Many of those big plays were made by the secondary; even Matt Ryan’s sack-fumble was caused by a blitz by Marcus Williams, who also recovered. P.J. Williams added a sack. Vonn Bell recovered the fumble at the end of the first half after Alex Anzalone stripped Julio Jones. And Marshon Lattimore stripped Calvin Ridley as he was about to run into the end zone, with Eli Apple recovering. Apple has been a substantial addition to the team. While he hasn’t been an elite cornerback or made a whole lot of splash plays, he also doesn’t get burned as easily, is capable of solid coverage and limiting yards after catch, and occasionally makes a big play. While it’s tough to quantify exactly how much Apple improves the defense, the defense has undeniably played better with him around:   And I like Ken Crawley, but there was a reason Apple was a top-ten draft pick. He had the physical talent and the college pedigree, and though he fell out of favor in New York, it was certainly worth a fourth- and seventh-round pick to see if that talent could still be tapped in the right situation. (In this case, “the right situation” being one with three of his college teammates on the team– Michael Thomas and secondary-mates Marshon Lattimore and Vonn Bell.) Any highlight of the defense’s play can’t overlook the line. Cameron Jordan and Sheldon Rankins led the way. Jordan had two sacks of Matt Ryan; Rankins had one, chased Ryan into Demario Davis for a strip-sack, and had multiple other plays he completely disrupted by penetrating or blowing up the middle of the Falcons’ offensive line. Jordan leads the team with eight sacks and will likely get Pro Bowl and All-Pro consideration again, but Rankins’ seven sacks from the interior are part of what make him one of the best interior linemen in the league this year, and he shouldn’t be overlooked for awards consideration.
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Marcus Davenport returned, too; I wasn’t expecting to see him back so soon. That said, he didn’t show up much in the box score. I thought his snaps may have been pretty limited, but 37/70 (53%) isn’t terribly out of line with his typical workload. He may not have been 100%; the coaches may have deliberately limited his workload as well. The Saints play on Thursday night next week as well, traveling to Dallas to face the Cowboys. I like their odds, even on the road: Dallas currently leads the NFC East at 6-5, but that still pales to New Orleans’ 10-1, and Jason Garrett has been a historically conservative coach, which will not work for a team that needs to try to keep up with the Saints’ offense. I’m not writing them off– any NFL team can beat another on any given day, especially at home– but I think the Saints do match up particularly well with them. The Cowboys’ offensive line, long the team’s strength, hasn’t been up to its usual standards this year with the loss of All-Pro center Travis Frederick (who is dealing with Guillain-Barre Syndrome) and, perhaps, finally reeling from the loss of the coach who originally built the dominant unit, Bill Callahan (Cowboys OL coach 2012-14). The Saints’ pass rushers can pressure Dak Prescott, and Ezekiel Elliott, the focus of the offense, will be meeting the league’s best run defense. The Cowboys made a significant and necessary improvement to their wide receiver corp with the trade for Amari Cooper, but the Saints still match up well here, with Lattimore to cover Cooper and Apple the #2, probably rookie Michael Gallup. And while the Cowboys defense has been pretty solid– they have a strong group of pass rushers and a lot of young, highly-drafted talent in the back seven– no defense has really been able to slow down the Saints’ attack since the Browns in week 2. (Only the Ravens have otherwise even held New Orleans under 30 points.) The Saints usually have home/road splits that indicate running their offense is measurably more difficult on the road, but that hasn’t been nearly the problem this year as it has in years past. (And a good thing, too: The Saints’ next three games are on the road.) The opening line isn’t out yet, but I suspect the Saints will be favored on the road. While I have faith in this team not to have “letdown” or “trap” games, it’s also important to remember that the road to the #1 seed in the NFC comes with having to keep pace with the Rams, who are also 10-1 and could run the table. (Week 14 at the Bears is their toughest matchup remaining.) New Orleans can do it, but they’ll have to play at a high level every week. We’ll end with some suggested outside reading. Thanks to Friend of the Brief Daniel Smith for sharing Peter King’s great inside look at Sean Payton and the Saints’ process for his “Football Morning in America” column Monday. If you’re a Saints fan, or just someone who’d like to know more about the nuts and bolts of how coaches (and players) actually design schemes and why, and hear it told from an offensive group as good as the Saints’ coaches and quarterback are, then I’d heartily recommend it. Oh, and one last thing before I go: Fumbles are funny, right?
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Everything in Its Right Place

Last week’s blowout of Cincinnati was a very impressive Saints performance, but also one that was a bit foreseeable. Cincinnati had been one of the worst passing defenses in the league by standard measures like total yards, and they were poor at defending the run game to boot. A healthy dose of Mark Ingram and Alvin Kamara in both the running and passing game as a blueprint, along with Michael Thomas further downfield, was my suggested formula for success; I didn’t see a 51-14 win coming, but when everything is going right, the Saints have the talent to blow out teams. Against the Eagles, everything was going right. Incredibly, the game plan was much less reliant on the team’s stars at the skill positions than previously before. The Eagles had a number of injuries in the secondary and put a major emphasis on double-teaming Michael Thomas, thus effectively meaning that if the Saints were going to win in the air, Brees was going to have to go to a number of secondary receivers. And he did. With only four targets to Thomas and one to the running backs, Brees still shredded the Eagles to the tune of 22/30 for 363 yards, four touchdowns, and no interceptions (putting him at a preposterous 25:1 TD:INT ratio on the season). Tre’Quan Smith was the primary beneficiary, going off for 10 catches, 157 yards, and a TD on 13 targets, but everyone got in on the action. Keith Kirkwood, in his second week active, caught 3 passes for 33 yards. Austin Carr had a touchdown catch. Backup tight ends Josh Hill and Dan Arnold each caught two balls. Brees didn’t target a running back at all until Alvin Kamara’s fourth-down touchdown catch for the final TD of the game, and even then, Kamara lined up wide and ran a deep route.
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This game, perhaps moreso than the Rams or Bengals games, was Brees’ true MVP statement: Even with his best weapons being the focal points of the defense, he took a gang of rookies and undrafted guys and still threw a lights-out game. Smith was deeply impressive on a couple of catches in particular, one where he caught a ball in a small window and took a hard hit afterward, hanging on for a TD; the other on a deep ball where he showed the physical talent– size, height, leap, arms, hands– that gives him an incredible catch radius:
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Just as impressive was the game the defense played. Josh Adams’ breakaway 28-yard run for a TD aside, the Saints bottled up both the run and pass game. That carry aside, the Eagles’ other ten designed runs (excluding a six-yard Carson Wentz scramble) went for only 24 yards total. Wentz threw three interceptions, two to Chris Banjo, and was sacked three times. One of those was this impressive effort by Sheldon Rankins for his sixth sack of the year, tying Cameron Jordan for the team lead. Watch how he uses his strength to simply shove the center aside and his acceleration to bring it home:
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Rankins has fully come around in his third season. The broken leg that cost him half of his rookie season set back his development a bit, but he’s now living up to the “Aaron Donald lite” potential that led the Saints to make him the #12 overall pick in the draft. His play has been a significant reason the team has been able to weather the loss of Marcus Davenport. Perhaps even a more significant injury than Davenport– and thus all the more impressive the Saints were able to weather it– is Terron Armstead, who left the Bengals game with a shoulder injury. Jermon Bushrod started at left tackle in his stead and filled in admirably, as Drew Brees was not sacked once. Bushrod’s effort was all the more impressive considering where he is in his career, having spent the last two years manning the right guard position for the Dolphins after he was considered no longer athletic enough to play left tackle. The coaches in New Orleans seem to have the best idea of how to get the most out of Bushrod, though, and it’s a huge relief to know that he can more than hold his own against a defensive line as talented as the Eagles’. On that note, however, the loss of Armstead may have been one of the reasons the Saints ran fewer running back screens and the like. Armstead is either the fastest and most athletic left tackle in the league or very close to it (I think Tennessee’s Taylor Lewan is the only one who’s got any kind of comparable claim), and his ability to move in space and serve as a lead blocker is a major advantage on those screen passes. Armstead and Davenport could possibly return against Dallas next Thursday (Davenport was practicing again this week), but I’d be more confident in their return coming in week 14 on December 9, in the rematch with the Tampa Bay Buccaneers. What worries me right now is that Bushrod is listed on the injury report and has a chance to miss the Thanksgiving game with an injury. Losing a starter can often be survived with the talent level present in NFL second-stringers; losing a starter’s backup can mean having a serious weak point on the roster. (Think of the 2016 game against Carolina, where Andrus Peat filled in for Armstead at left tackle, then was hurt and replaced by Tony Hills.) If Bushrod can’t play on Thanksgiving, the line might go with a configuration of Peat at left tackle and Cameron Tom at left guard, activating Will Clapp to serve as the seventh offensive lineman (Michael Ola was the second backup behind Tom last week). Some good injury news, though, is that Tommylee Lewis has been activated to the 53-man roster from injured reserve. Even though the Saints’ newest receiving corps configuration performed outstandingly on Sunday, it’s always good to get a familiar face back, in particular one who offers the options Lewis does, as a returner and a regular target of wide receiver end-arounds and deep balls. The Saints are 13-point favorites on Thanksgiving, at home against Atlanta, which seems like an enormous spread. The Falcons are our oldest and most loathed division rival, and the games between these two are always hard fought. It’s also not clear how a short week might affect either team. All that said, every time I’ve worried about the Saints having a letdown game this year, they’ve gone out and had an even better game than the one before. So I’m going to try not to worry too much, as they seem to have it under control. It’s a 13-point spread because the Saints are playing like the best team in the NFL right now. Football Outsiders’ DVOA article this week showed the splits between the Saints weeks 1-3 and since: For those first three weeks, New Orleans played like roughly the 10th-best offense alongside the worst defense in the league. Since then, they’ve been nearly the best offense in the league (Kansas City is still a juggernaut) and their defense has been above-average. With an offense this good, the defense only has to get a few stops or big plays per game to allow the team to win consistently. When they play as well as they did against Philadelphia– three sacks, three interceptions– the sky is the limit. The numbers bear it out: The Saints outgained Philadelphia 546 yards to 196, 28 first downs to 13, 7.9 yards per play to 4.1, and of course the 48-7 final score. This Saints team, more than any in my memory, seems to have found the right player for every role on the field. Not everybody is a star, but they all perform their roles well, and there are no weak spots. The team is rolling right now, they’re having more fun than ever, and let’s hope les bon temps rouler all the way to the Super Bowl.

James Carville: To clean up Louisiana, we need our muckrakers. Support the Bayou Brief.

The Ragin’ Cajun recently appeared on ESPN’s GameDay, prior to the Alabama/LSU football game. His shirt reads, “Greg Sankey [hearts] Alabama. ‘Bec mon tchu, sil vous plait.'” Greg Sankey is the Commissioner of the Southeastern Conference, which is headquartered in Birmingham, Alabama. “Bec mon tchu, sil vous plait” is Cajun French for “Kiss my ass, please.”      


Last week, I asked Lamar White, Jr. of the Bayou Brief to speak to my students at LSU. It was our first class since the midterm elections, but there were still a few races that hadn’t been called and one runoff contest for a seat in the Senate in Mississippi that had seemed like a foregone conclusion for the Republican candidate, the interim Sen. Cindy Hyde-Smith.

Then, Lamar published a couple of videos of Hyde-Smith that flipped the script and changed President Trump’s travel schedule.

I met Lamar a few years ago, and since then, we’ve become friends, not just because we are both Democrats but because we both share the same faith, as true believers in the state of Louisiana.

Last November, we drove up to his hometown of Alexandria; he asked me to speak to their local, majority conservative rotary club about building a tribute to Union Gen. William Tecumseh Sherman, who served as the founding president of what is now Louisiana State University, which was initially located across the Red River in Pineville. At the time, most people in Louisiana were debating about whether to remove tributes to Confederate leaders; I was proposing building a new one, to a Union leader.

Lamar thought I could make my case to Republicans in Central Louisiana. 

In late August of this year, thanks in large part to the efforts of attorney Mike Tudor, a state historical marker in Pineville for Gen. Sherman was officially approved and will be unveiled in February.


When I introduced Lamar to my class last week, I told students the he was a “muckraker.” I meant it as a compliment. 

In Louisiana, now more than ever, we need muckrakers, journalists and activists who are willing and able to speak truth to power, to shine a bright light on political and corporate corruption and on the existential environmental crisis that threatens our basic survival as a people.

As I’ve said before, during the eight years of Bobby Jindal’s administration, our state’s most powerful person was Grover Norquist. I called him the “human equivalent of pond scum.” I meant it as an insult, with apologies to pond scum.

Here in Louisiana, we know the dangers of pond scum, which can literally ruin an entire crawfish season. But the metaphor of pond scum is much more pernicious.

We need the Bayou Brief, the nonprofit publication Lamar launched last year, and his colleague Sue Lincoln, whose reporting on environmental disasters in DeSoto and Plaquemines parishes helped expose a potential catastrophe and ensured that negligent companies couldn’t just evade their responsibilities by rigging the system.  

Recently Norquist, the pond scum, announced on Twitter that he was leaving Louisiana, even though he never actually lived here. But it will still take decades to clean up the mess he left behind, to rake out the muck.

That is what Lamar and his colleagues at the Bayou Brief are doing. It’s a publication, yes, but it’s also a political and cultural disaster relief initiative. 

They need your help, and we need their truth-telling. 

 – James Carville


There are three easy ways to donate, and each option allows you the ability to become a monthly contributor or give a one-time gift: 

They not only make it easier for good candidates to raise money; they also work with 501(c)(4)s, like the Bayou Brief
PayPal, obviously. 
Directly on the site, through a service called Authorize.net




A Thanks/Giving Message from the Bayou Brief

Dear Readers,


Seventeen months ago, we launched the Bayou Brief together. Whether you are a sustaining donor or a one-time contributor, whether you attended one of our early events or shared our most recent articles, and whether you provided us a news tip, told us your story, or simply offered your kindness and encouragement, you built this publication with us. From the very beginning, our mission has always been based on a French expression known in parts of Acadiana: Un de nous autres. It means “One of our own.” 

During past year and a half, we have tried to live up to that by telling the stories of Louisiana, and we have learned more about the spirit and the truth about this inimitable, occasionally maddening, and occasionally magical place than anyone could possibly learn through a class or from a book.

We owe all of this to you, our readers. 

Thank you! Thank you! Thank you!

A Brief History of the Brief

This venture was, in part, the a result of a series of informal brainstorming sessions held at (but unaffiliated with) LSU on a weekend in December of 2015. The state had just elected a new governor, and a small group of us- primarily people in their twenties and thirties- gathered to answer some daunting questions.

The biggest question was: How do we advance meaningful change in Louisiana?

This wasn’t a elite group of paid partisans or ambitious lobbyists; most of those in attendance were from places far outside of Baton Rouge. We were there to consider the big picture, to view our shared future through a wide-angle lens.

One thing emerged over and over again: The old media stand-bys weren’t doing their jobs.

Local newspapers were cutting newsroom staff, shutting down, or being gobbled up by out-of-state conglomerates. Similar corporatization of radio stations had cut radio “news” down to one-minute updates that weren’t much more than a brief reading of recycled headlines; the airwaves, instead, became dominated by national conservative commentators. Television news had shuttled issues-oriented stories to the third or fourth block of their shows – if they covered any at all – as ratings races (and the resultant revenue boosts for higher ratings) kept stations stacking their stories based on the premise of “If it bleeds, it leads.”

With so many in Louisiana turning to the internet and social media for their news updates, we knew there was an opportunity to fill the gap — with longer-form journalism that could delve into topics and issues from around the state, providing the in-depth coverage so often lacking in local conventional media outlets.

We wanted to make this accessible to all.

Political issues were going to be a big focus; this is Louisiana, after all. But what we didn’t want was media funded by oil and gas interests or reliant on campaign advertising. Preferably, we wanted no dependence on advertising whatsoever. That meant this new enterprise would have to be a non-profit, but a 501(c)(4), social welfare organization focused on educating the public on issues of significant importance.

Lamar White, Jr. had already been writing about Louisiana for more than a decade, and although his website CenLamar had garnered recognition and a reliable readership, it was a hobby rather than what we recognized Louisiana truly needed.

So, Lamar decided to go “all-in;” he drained his savings to provide seed money, and he began to pitch the idea to like-minded friends and people who shared the same type of passion and hope about Louisiana.

You know who you are, and we thank you for your vision and faith!

La douleur exquise

There is another phrase in French, but it’s not as easily translated into English: La douleur exquise. Roughly, it means the pain of unrequited love. While the expression may primarily have romantic connotations, it also captures the relationship so many of us born, raised, connected, or simply in love with Louisiana have with this beautiful but often baffling place.

It also describes how we felt during the time it took to bring this idea to fruition.

Yet finally, in June 2017, BayouBrief.com published its first story, an 8,000-word piece about the Colfax Massacre.

Creating a better future requires all of us to take an unflinching look at the past.  

The conservative-dominated online media that was ascendant during Gov. Jindal’s administration trafficked in gossip and mean-spirited innuendo for so long they weren’t sure what to make of us.

By the end of our first calendar year, an anonymous conservative blogger who had previously claimed to be a Republican state representative publicly questioned our sustained viability, in online Republican-affiliated trade publication.

At the start of 2018, what can be termed “a great blessing” came our way: Sue Lincoln joined the staff. We’d been asking (begging, actually!) her to write for us since the Bayou Brief’s inception, but her contract with Louisiana’s NPR-affiliate stations prohibited it. Her retirement from radio gave her the freedom and the time to cover the Louisiana legislature for us. Little did we know (though she guessed) that it would be four legislative sessions, back-to-back-to-back-to-back, over more than five grueling months.

Your support and appreciation of her work allowed us to to make it a permanent arrangement, and, as our investigative editor, she has worked tirelessly on uncovering environmental issues that plague our state – as well as contributing to our coverage of the midterm elections.

You’ve helped spread the word about the stories we’re telling — sharing our articles with friends and followers on social media. That’s meant that important information, like Lamar’s videos of Cindy Hyde-Smith and Sue’s piece about the Bayou Bridge pipeline protesters, have gotten national attention. We’re grateful for your assistance in extending the reach of these articles. We couldn’t have done this without you!

Mistakes, we’ve made a few

We admit we’ve made some blunders, too:  We concentrated (some say too hard) on writing and publishing good stories, rather than on growing our donor base widely and expanding to the full range of content topics we hoped to cover. But we’re hoping to remedy that in 2019 – with your help.

We wanted to encourage new, young writers to develop into regular columnists, yet because of their real-life demands, too many turned out to be one-and-done article authors. 

We will always remain committed to providing opportunities for talented freelance writers to contribute, but we recognize that we need a more robust editorial and news team to mentor and assist emerging voices.

We struggled to find a development and donor management professional. Ultimately, we are to blame for the boxes of undelivered coffee mugs that we had hoped to send out to those who supported us financially. Some of those boxes may be lost forever, but we will keep our word.

What’s Next?

We’d like to start a newsletter for our subscribers and supporters. This would provide additional content, including news briefs on topics of interest that don’t warrant a full article, and follow-up info and results regarding articles we have published.

We’d like to expand our content and hire at least one other full-time reporter, with a primary focus on poverty and education-related issues.

We want to change the look of our website – give it the look and feel of a complete news source, with room to accommodate our growth. Migrating all our current content to the new format will require the services of a web guru.

We need to engage the services of a development director; to seek out grant opportunities, co-operative endeavors with other publications, and organize events for you, our readers.

We’re expanding our Board of Directors (don’t worry– we don’t pay them!) to provide guidance and engagement in advancing the goals and mission of the Bayou Brief. We’d also like to add an Advisory Board to the mix (also unpaid), to give us fresh ideas and a bit of cachet.

Here’s the hard part – the ask. Achieving most any of these goals requires funding. We don’t have any intention of putting our content behind a paywall. And we certainly don’t intend to start cluttering up the content you see with any advertising whatsoever.

You’ve supported us with your likes and shares on Facebook, and with your likes and retweets on Twitter. Now we’re asking you to support us financially, as well. It doesn’t have to be a big dollar amount all at once (though we’ll accept that, with much gratitude!) It can be as little as five dollars a month – less than the expense of one run to the fast-food or coffeehouse drive-thru.

And while your donation isn’t tax-deductible like a conventional charity, you can claim your contribution as a business expense. Additionally, your anonymity is assured. As a 501(c)4, we are not required to divulge our donors.

What we are required to do – by the strength of our convictions – is once again express how much we appreciate all your support and encouragement: past, present and future!

And we are asking you to support us toward that shared future.  (If you prefer to donate through PayPal or if you are using an AMEX card, click here instead).

Cindy Hyde-Smith Can Run, But She Can’t Hide


Cindy Hyde-Smith thinks it’s a good idea to make it more difficult for liberals in “other schools” to vote.
Source and credit: Lamar White, Jr.   | The Bayou Brief

In 1989, President George H.W. Bush and former President Ronald Reagan broke the 11th Commandment: They decided to speak ill of a fellow Republican. It was an unusual decision for a few reasons, particularly because the Republican wasn’t running for a national or even a statewide election. He was campaigning for District 81’s seat in Louisiana’s state House of Representatives, a majority conservative district in suburban New Orleans.  

Bush and Reagan recorded robocalls urging the good people of District 81 to reject that candidate and vote instead for his opponent, a fellow Republican, John Treen, the brother of former Louisiana Gov. Dave Treen. 

But the gambit didn’t work. Voters ignored Presidents Bush and Reagan, and David Duke narrowly won the election; the former grand wizard of the Ku Klux Klan suddenly became one of the most powerful Republicans in Louisiana. The next year, Duke ran for the U.S. Senate, and although he lost, he managed to capture 60% of the white vote.

The year after that, in what is arguably the most important statewide election in Louisiana history, he ran for governor. The entire world paid attention. His runoff opponent was former Gov. Edwin Edwards, who had long been beleaguered by allegations of corruption. Supporters of Edwards printed out bumperstickers: “Vote for the Crook. It’s Important.”

And although Edwards won in a landslide, the former klansman still captured 55% of white voters. Astronomically high turnout among African Americans spared Louisiana from the indignity of a Gov. Duke. Years later, both men ended up in prison, but when Edwards was released, after eight years behind bars, polling showed he remained the most popular politician in the state. 

(If you want to read more about the saga, I highly recommend Tyler Bridges’ book The Rise and Fall of David Duke, which was recently updated and re-released).  


In the aftermath of my publication of two disturbing videos of interim U.S. Sen. Cindy Hyde-Smith making a bizarre statement about wanting to be on the front row of a public hanging (which her campaign referred to as “an exaggerated expression of regard”) and another statement about making it more difficult for students of certain schools in Mississippi to vote (a state with seven HBCUs and a population that is 37% African America), it’s impossible to imagine President Donald Trump would ever repudiate Hyde-Smith in the same way Bush and Reagan did to David Duke. 

In fact, Trump is actually considering visiting Mississippi to host a campaign rally for Hyde-Smith, who is facing Democrat Mike Espy, an African American, in a runoff election on Nov. 27th.

This is a different and much more toxic time for the Grand Old Party.

Lee Atwater, who some regarded at the time as the most amoral political consultant in American history, engineered the robocalls from Bush and Reagan against Duke: Donald Trump’s first chief political strategist, Steve Bannon, was the co-founder of a website he described as a “platform for the alt-right.”

There is no joke about it:  Hate is on the rise. 

During the past few days, I have encountered more than my own fair share of bizarre, if not unintentionally comical, hate mail. Yesterday, for example, I received a private message on Facebook from a Mississippi voter who was angry with me for making everyone believe that the term “public hanging” was suddenly now racist, clearly taking umbrage and feeling insulted.  Yet in the Deep South, public hangings are also known as lynchings — historical fact,  not merely an incorrect colloquialism. Louisiana and Mississippi weren’t the Wild West.

But before anyone gets outraged by the mere comparison between David Duke and Cindy Hyde-Smith, please hold your horses. (Incidentally, the idiomatic meaning of “hold your horses” originated in the Deep South, not the Wild West).

This year marks the fiftieth “anniversary” of David Duke’s debut into the public spotlight, and during those fifty years, there have been many iterations and perhaps even more physical alterations of David Duke than you can count.

I’m not referring to the David Duke of today or the David Duke of the Ku Klux Klan or the David Duke of Free Speech Alley at LSU.

Consider instead the David Duke of the years 1988 through 1991, the brief period of his life when he finally got elected and nearly became a part of the state’s political mainstream. Anyone of a certain age from Louisiana remembers this version of Duke and the way he could play the dog whistle like a virtuoso.

David Duke and Edwin Edwards supporters make their voices heard at Lakeside Mall, in November, 1991. Credit: The Times-Picayune. Color enhancements: The Bayou Brief

In the Mississippi Senate runoff, there is one key figure who should be particularly familiar with what Louisiana politics were like thirty years ago, during the rise of David Duke. Her name is Melissa Scallan, and currently she serves as the Communications Director for Sen. Hyde-Smith, the least enviable job in Mississippi state politics right now.

Yesterday, in response to the second video I  posted, Ms. Scallan issued a statement and then a follow-up with The Jackson Free Press.  Quoting:

“Obviously, Sen. Hyde-Smith was making a joke, and clearly the video was selectively edited,” said Hyde-Smith campaign Communications Director Melissa Scallan.

Scallan told the Jackson Free Press via text message that she did not know which schools Hyde-Smith was joking about because she was not there. Asked if she would ask Hyde-Smith, Scallan said she would not be able to talk to her Thursday night. Later, however, Scallan called to say she had spoken to a staffer who was present when the video was taken.

“She was talking to four freshman students at Mississippi State,” Scallan said, relaying what she said the staffer told her. “And they were talking about the idea of having polling places on college campuses. And someone made a joke about college campuses being liberal, and that’s when she said, ‘Well, maybe we don’t want everybody to vote.’ But the great idea was the putting of polling places on college campuses.”

Public hangings aren’t a joke, and neither are efforts at voter suppression.

Melissa Scallan (Source: Facebook).

Two years after the notorious 1991 Louisiana gubernatorial election, apparently Melissa Scallan and I were living about a mile down the street from one another in my hometown of Alexandria.

I doubt we ever crossed paths, though. She was in her mid-twenties, five years out of LSU and her hometown of Baton Rouge; I was eleven, a student at South Alexandria Sixth Grade Center. The biographical details may seem irrelevant, except for two important things: First, Melissa Scallan earned her degree in journalism from LSU’s Manship School of Mass Communications, which is one of the top five schools of its kind in the nation; in other words, she should know better than to advise a candidate to excuse racially-loaded gaffes as “jokes” and then refuse to have the decency to apologize. (I’m not just saying that because I was briefly enrolled in the Manship School’s Ph.D program; it’s objectively a great school). Second, it’s important to emphasize: Melissa Scallan was an adult living in Louisiana when the state was littered with those blue and white Duke for Governor signs.

She may now claim Mississippi, but the person who is running Cindy Hyde-Smith’s campaign communications is – like me – from Louisiana.

It certainly makes this tweet from her candidate’s account a little awkward and ironic.

The second video of  Sen. Hyde-Smith, which is posted at the top of the page, was not “selectively edited.” There are no cuts, no alterations, no manipulations whatsoever. That much is plainly obvious  to anyone who possesses even a basic knowledge of videography and the dictionary. Someone should explain this to the head of the Mississippi Republican Party:


When I shared the video yesterday, I had not seen the entirety of the footage, though it was obvious Hyde-Smith was responding to a question about polling places on college campuses.  It was also obvious that these were her words, in full, unaltered.

This afternoon, I obtained a full version of the video. It is 14 minutes and 24 seconds long, and, with the exception of her remarks about voter suppression on college campuses, it is completely banal: Just a stream of college kids and minor children, some of whom were with their parents, posing for photographs in front of the senator’s tour bus.

I suspect Hyde-Smith’s campaign understood this: The only way to reveal the entire video would require editing out the faces of college kids and children. It would be irresponsible and reckless to do so.

However, I was able to provide a slightly longer clip that may provide some context. It’s extremely difficult to hear the crosstalk, but it appears as if an African American student was involved in that conversation about adding more polling places on college campuses.   

Extended version. Source and credit: Lamar White, Jr.   | The Bayou Brief
 

There’s another reason I suspect this particular student was not pleased with Sen. Hyde-Smith’s answers or the use of his image in the tweet above (which, thankfully, I thought to screencapture).  

Here was his response on Twitter: 



After Coleman’s repudiation, Sen. Hyde-Smith deleted the tweet, but the internet, of course, is written in ink.

It is up for Mississippians to decide who should best represent them in the United States Senate, but just as many Republicans reluctantly pulled the lever for Edwin Edwards over David Duke in 1991, they should seriously consider the message they’re sending to the rest of the world. 

Racism is morally and ultimately financially bankrupt; it’s bad for business.


Opinion | The “Why Not Me?” Syndrome

Graphic design above by The Bayou Brief


A Cheat Sheet to Peter “Adrastos” Athas’ Louisiana Lexicography 

The nickname and proper pronunciation for the Great State of Louisiana. 

A group of Americans, almost exclusively white men, who suffer from the delusion that the Confederacy was a noble cause led by good and patriotic men who are worthy of public glorification. Lost Causers believe the removal of monuments celebrating those men is equivalent to erasing history.      

The nickname for former Louisiana Gov. Earl Kemp Long, brother of Huey P. Long and often considered one of the most colorful politicians in the state’s history. Uncle Earl was once committed by his wife into a mental institution in Texas, then moved to a facility in Louisiana, whereupon he fired the head of the state’s hospitals, replaced him with an ally, and returned to the Governor’s Mansion. 

Louisiana’s junior U.S. Senator’s full name is John Neely Kennedy. Although he goes by “John Kennedy,” there is only one John Kennedy in American politics. Out of respect for his memory, Louisiana’s junior Senator is commonly known as “Neely.”


The midterms were exciting. The president* made them a bit too exciting, but there are indications that some of his more extreme rhetoric backfired. Let’s hope so. I have been avoiding the topic of future elections, especially 2020, like Dracula avoids mirrors and garlic. I’m not superstitious, but there were more important things to focus on. 

Now that the voters have put the brakes on a megalomaniacal president*, it’s time to turn our attention to future elections both here, in what Uncle Earl and I call the Gret Stet, and nationally.

The election of Donald Trump, who I call the Insult Comedian for obvious reasons, has led to a rash of Why Not Me candidacies. Ambitious politicians are asking themselves: if he can win a general election, Why Not Me?

Why Not Me syndrome is nothing new. Jimmy Carter’s out of nowhere win in 1976 led to many asking that very question. (Ironically Carter’s campaign biography was titled Why Not The Best?) In this cycle, a losing Congressional candidate in West Virginia says he’s running for the Democratic presidential nomination in 2020. In addition to being largely unknown even in his home state, Richard Ojeda has an even bigger problem: He voted for Trump in 2016. Anyone not afflicted with Why Not Me syndrome would realize this makes them a non-starter.

You’re probably wondering when I’m going to make this column relevant to The Bayou Brief. There’s no time like the present even if I can’t promise brevity. There will be plenty of Bayouness if such a thing exists.

In 2015, Gret Stet politics had its own Why Not Me moment. I recall mocking John Bel Edwards in the early stages of his gubernatorial campaign. I thought a state representative from Tangipahoa Parish had no chance of saving the state from David Vitter. I even briefly flirted with the notion of supporting sane Republican Jay Dardenne since I thought no Democrat could win.

I was wrong. Edwards won, and Dardenne now works for him.

Timing is everything in politics, especially for a Why Not Me candidate. John Bel’s time had come: Eight years of Bobby Jindal’s wrecking ball approach to state government and David Vitter’s whoremongering made things ripe for a Mister Clean. Make that Captain Clean, Edwards’ West Point degree was part of the attraction.

Now that I’ve set the table, it’s time for the entrée. How tasty you’ll find it is up to you.

Former New Orleans Mayor Mitch Landrieu seems to have looked in the mirror and posed the question: Why Not Me? Landrieu used his book tour in support of In The Shadow of Statues as a way of taking the nation’s political pulse.

Landrieu’s higher national profile has led to widespread speculation back home that he’s interested in running for the Democratic presidential nomination in 2020. He’s neither confirmed nor denied the notion. Instead, he’s basking in the attention that Why Not Me-ism can bring a politician.

Besides, the speculation can’t hurt book sales.

The former mayor is a polarizing figure in New Orleans: He inspires affection and admiration in some quarters but disdain and derision elsewhere. He has rabid critics on the right merely for being Moon Landrieu’s son as well as among Lost Causers for removing their beloved Confederate monuments. There are many older white folks in the metro area who despise all Landrieus because of Moon’s integrationist fervor during his 1970-78 Mayoralty.

Mitch Landrieu’s nickname among the cleverer members of this crowd is Half Moon, which is not half bad.

Landrieu has his critics on the local left as well. They see him as an arch-gentrifier who never met a developer he didn’t like. Some are up-in-arms as to what they claim was his high-jacking of the monuments issue. I think this is an unfair charge. The folks behind Take ‘Em Down NOLA could have never convinced the City Council to remove the monuments. That took mayoral influence and political muscle.

I’m in the middle about Mitch Landrieu’s mayoral record.

On the plus side, he put the city’s fiscal house in order after the disastrous Nagin administration. Unfortunately, he allowed the AirBnB menace to spread to the point where it has dramatically impacted housing prices. Our once affordable city has become too expensive for many longtime residents, especially working class and poor African Americans.

Landrieu’s mayoral Achilles Heel is the Sewerage & Water Board. He justifiably took a lot of flak when it flooded on my birthday in 2017. (I’m still annoyed at hearing about the August 5th flood: gimme back my birthday, y’all.) The problems linger and make it harder for Landrieu to claim mayoral greatness.

I think he was a good but not great mayor.

How does that effect his national ambitions?

All national candidates have enemies at home. “No prophet is welcome in the prophet’s hometown” is probably the one verse in the Bible known by every atheist who works as a political consultant.  You’re not much of a leader if you haven’t stirred up any local controversies. And besides, Landrieu can spin his mayoral record quite well: His presentation skills are first-rate.

Other than several favorable articles in Politico and a secret Facebook group here in New Orleans, there does not appear to be much of a groundswell for a Landrieu presidential candidacy. Mayors have not fared well in presidential politics: Grover Cleveland was the last big city mayor to win the presidency, but the former Buffalo mayor was Governor of New York at the time of his victory 134 years ago. Additionally, there’s a wealthier former Mayor who has his own case of Why Not Me syndrome, Michael Bloomberg.

BUT in a crowded field with no frontrunner under the age of seventy, Landrieu’s Why Not Me credentials remain intact. He looks in the mirror and sees the next Jimmy Carter: Why Not Me?

Will he run? Probably not, but Why Not Me fever is hard to shake.

There’s another Louisiana politician who seems to have come down with a bad case of Why Not Me syndrome: Sen. John Neely Kennedy, hereinafter Neely. He finally won a Senate seat on his third try; the first was as a liberal-ish Democrat for whom I voted in 2004. As a Republican, Neely challenged and lost to incumbent Mary Landrieu (I think you know whose older sister she is) in 2008 and finally won the seat vacated by the man I call Bitter Vitter in 2016.

I initially pooh-poohed the idea that Neely would run for Governor in 2019. He spent 12 years lusting after a Senate seat and has become something of a conservative sound bite machine on Capitol Hill. The media loves it when he “hicks it up” and makes weed killer jokes, but it’s off-putting to many observers. Here’s how I put it at my blog First Draft:

“Neely remains a political mystery. He’s an intelligent, well-educated man who persists in acting like a village idiot.”

I thought Neely had the job he wanted, but he appears to be considering a challenge to Gov. Edwards. Why Not Me-ism led Neely to reckon that if an obscure state rep from rural Louisiana could be governor, he could be the one to take him out.

As much fun as I’ve had at Sen. Kennedy’s expense over the years, he would be the most formidable Republican challenger. State Attorney General Jeff Landry may have hoped to have the field to himself, but his decision to run for re-election instead could be a tell about  Neely’s intentions, which he claims will be revealed to the public on Dec. 1st.  If Edwards wins, Landry can go back to throwing monkey wrenches and generally being a pest. It’s what he does best. If Neely wins, he could actually appoint Landry as his interim replacement.

Neely’s team of consultants haven’t made much of an effort to conceal their own hopes that he will challenge Edwards, but that may not mean his mind has been made up: Consultants make their money campaigning, not governing. There is also another reason Neely has been so hesitant. Deep-pocketed Republican donors to his Senate campaign are reportedly not amused by his perpetual campaigning, for which they’ve footed the bills. And when he came to them only two years ago for funding his Senate election, he pitched the importance of building Louisiana’s seniority.   

Still, the Why Not Me syndrome is a powerful thing. It causes ambitious men and women to dream big and shoot for the political moon.

Mitch Landrieu may decide not to spend the next 13-14 months in Iowa and New Hampshire, but if he doesn’t run, he’ll still ask himself, why not me?

The Saints completely dominate the Bengals to continue their winning streak

Last year around this time, I was writing after the Saints traveled to a cold-weather AFC team for week 10, a team sitting at 5-3 in the standings, and dominated the matchup, coming back to New Orleans with a 37-point win. Today, I’m writing after the Saints traveled to a cold-weather AFC team for week 10, a team sitting at 5-3 in the standings, and dominated the matchup, coming back to New Orleans with a 37-point win. The Saints were completely unstoppable on offense, scoring at will in the first half and then continuing to score even when they were just trying to run down the clock in the second half. Thomas Morstead wasn’t called on to punt once, although he did have to hold for nine Wil Lutz kicks. The Saints scored five touchdowns on five possessions in the first half, then another touchdown and three field goals before running out the clock in the second, on their way to a 51-14 win. I had been worried that this game had all the makings of a trap game after a difficult win the previous week. The Saints would be going on the road for a game that was out-of-conference and less important than the games surrounding it, and doing so after winning a hard-fought Game of the Year candidate against one of the league’s toughest teams. Instead, the Saints stepped up and delivered an utterly dominant performance. The game seemed like it would be pretty close early on, as the teams traded touchdowns on their opening drives, but after the Bengals tied it at 7, they wouldn’t score again until a late touchdown after the game was well out of hand. The Saints offense continued to execute, while the Bengals made just enough miscues for the Saints to take full advantage. The most prominent of those miscues was an Andy Dalton interception at the end of the first half. Trying to put the team in position to score, Dalton heaved a deep ball from the Saints’ 34 near the end of the half. Marcus Williams was able to get under it and field it cleanly, and with his speed and some good blocking, return it all the way to the Bengals’ 17. With eight seconds left, many teams would have kicked the field goal there, but New Orleans took one more shot at the end zone, and Drew Brees found the unstoppable Michael Thomas across the middle for the score and a 35-7 halftime lead. The sheer unstoppability of the Saints’ offense in the first half was the real story here. Aside from that half-ending score, New Orleans had touchdown drives of 75, 75, 90, and 60 yards. On the flipside, the defense prevented Cincinnati from ever converting a third down, a welcome change from the team’s usual third-down performance and a a huge impediment to the Bengals’ efforts to keep up. It only took two of those stops and the Williams interception for the Saints offense to do the rest and put the game out of hand by halftime. It’s hard to have much to say about a game that got so completely out of hand so quickly. Everyone got a little piece of the action: The usual suspects like Michael Thomas and Alvin Kamara feasted on offense, but practice-squad callup Keith Kirkwood caught both targets thrown his way, including a 42-yard pass downfield, the longest completion of the day for the Saints. On defense, Sheldon Rankins got his fifth sack on the year, second on the team; Cameron Jordan came up with his sixth to lead the team. Alex Anzalone also got a sack on a blitz, and Eli Apple got his first interception as a Saint to go along with Marcus Williams’. Looking at the events of this week, two big roster stories stand out for the Saints: Saints sign Brandon Marshall. After the Dez Bryant Era abruptly ended with Bryant tearing his Achilles on his second day with the team, the Saints signed Brandon Marshall, whom they’d also brought in for a workout last week. Marshall is older than Bryant (he’s 34) and the last few years of his career haven’t been particularly encouraging. In 2016 he faced a dropoff from 1,502 yards receiving to 788 and his catch rate plummeted from 63% to 46%. In 2017 he only played five games with the Giants before going on injured reserve, catching 18 passes for 154 yards. This year, he played six games for the Seattle Seahawks, catching nine passes in his first three for 120 yards, but being phased out of the game plan after that, with two catches for 16 yards in his final three games before Seattle cut him. So there’s some reason to be skeptical he’ll produce the desired impact, given that he was cut earlier this year to give a seventh-round pick named David Moore more playing time. That said, he doesn’t need to be a big playmaker to be an asset to the Saints; he just needs to be someone who can use his size and hands reliably to catch balls in tough spaces and important situations. If he can even be a credible threat to do that, he’ll have a positive impact on the offense. Terron Armstead is going to miss several weeks with a pectoral injury. At last, it seemed like Armstead was going to finally make it through an entire season healthy, as he hadn’t missed a snap before the Bengals game. But he was injured in the second quarter and didn’t return; as it turns out, he’s going to be out for likely the rest of November. A frustrating turn of events for an offensive line that was firing on all cylinders, especially for a player like Armstead who’s struggled with nagging injuries his entire career (he’s never played all 16 games in a season). Still, though, if the team can play solidly and hang in there, he and Marcus Davenport should be back for the stretch run. Jermon Bushrod took over at left tackle in the Bengals game and played capably enough. It’s uncertain yet as to whether the Saints want to keep that arrangement or try something else. It’s possible Andrus Peat or Ryan Ramczyk moves to left tackle, and Bushrod plays one of their positions. (It’s also possible that Cameron Tom would fill in at guard instead of Bushrod if Peat moves.) The team hasn’t tipped its hand yet as to how they’ll approach the problem. The Saints host the Philadelphia Eagles next, and while the defending Super Bowl champions are having a bit of a disappointing season, they still have enough talent to be dangerous, particularly in their front four. The Saints certainly win this game– and are favored to– especially considering the injuries the Eagles have in their secondary. But it all starts with the blocking up front, and the Saints will have to spend the week preparing for the challenge of blocking Fletcher Cox, Brandon Graham and the team’s trio of old veterans in Michael Bennett, Chris Long, and Haloti Ngata. If they can win the war up front even without Armstead, the Saints stand a strong chance. The Eagles offense has faced a dropoff since losing assistant coaches John DeFilippo and Frank Reich to other jobs, so if New Orleans gets rolling on their side of the ball, the defense should be able to do enough to secure the victory. Once again, it’s time to be careful not to have a letdown game after a strong performance. (Aside, sorry for the lack of GIFs this week– there were too many good plays to choose from. If you have any requests from this game, leave them in the comments (do we have comments?))

Cindy Hyde-Smith Was Not Telling A Joke



Considered one of the greatest protest songs in American history, Nina Simone wrote “Mississippi Goddam” in the aftermath of the assassination of Medgar Evers. 


Last Friday, Nov. 9th, while fans of Ole Miss football watched their team falter to Texas A&M in the fourth quarter and Mississippi State fans psyched themselves up for what would turn out to be a shutout defeat against Nick Saban’s Alabama, I received a stunning clip of video from a reliable source. A week before, U.S. Sen. Cindy Hyde-Smith stood before a small crowd of supporters in Tupelo, arms locked with a man named Colin Hutchinson, a cattle rancher. The entire event, I was told, lasted less than thirty minutes.

To be clear, I had first been sent a slightly longer clip of the video than the version I posted, and although it was evident Hutchinson was there to praise Hyde-Smith, most of his comments are muted by the boom of a passing train.

That, I was later told by a reporter who had covered the region for many years, was obvious proof the event was definitely in Tupelo. The train, apparently, has a reputation for interrupting events.  

The other obvious proof, aside from the fact the event appeared on Hyde-Smith’s calendar, was the enormous statue of the small city’s most iconic native son, Elvis Aaron Presley.

The King had been made to hold one of Hyde-Smith’s campaign signs, which some in Tupelo may consider to be an act of lèse-majesté.  

As Hutchinson ends his remarks, the train’s boom begins to fade, and Hyde-Smith can be heard, clear as day, saying, “If he invited me to a public hanging, I’d be on the front row.”

Cindy Hyde-Smith in Tupelo, MS on Nov. 2, 2018.

I had been warned in advance about Hyde-Smith’s outrageous comment, which, some in the media subsequently characterized as a “joke.” To me, the only thing even remotely amusing was that it was somewhat reminiscent of Forrest Gump’s microphone kicking back on at the tail end of his speech at a war protest: “And that’s all I have to say about the war in Vietnam.”

But the fictional character Forrest Gump, the audience understood, had been speaking about the brutalities of war; the real-life Cindy Hyde-Smith, however, was trivializing the horrific terror of racist murders that haunt the present and stain the history of Mississippi and the entire Deep South.        

Her comments are even more egregious considering they were delivered in the context of a campaign for the United States Senate. Hyde-Smith faces Democratic candidate Mike Espy in a runoff election on Nov. 27th

In 1986, Espy, who was later appointed Secretary of Agriculture during the Clinton administration, became the first African American from Mississippi elected to the U.S. House of Representatives since Reconstruction. Hyde-Smith was the state’s Commissioner of Agriculture before Gov. Phil Bryant appointed her to the U.S. Senate in April, after longtime Sen. Thad Cochran retired. The two are competing to complete the remainder of Cochran’s term, which expires in 2021. 

As of the time of publication, the video has been viewed through my Twitter account more than 3.9 million times and through my Facebook account 300,000 times. That, of course, does not include the millions more who watched the video on cable news.

The population of Mississippi is approximately 2.9 million, according to the most recent estimate by the American Community Survey.


Before I address exactly why I am hesitant to characterize Sen. Hyde-Smith’s comment as a poor attempt at humor, there are a few things I need to make abundantly clear: The video is authentic; it has not been altered or manipulated. Although it has obviously been truncated, it has not been taken out of context. I will not reveal who provided me with the video, which, frankly, is irrelevant: Hyde-Smith was well-aware that she was being recorded. 

I received the video, as I understand it, because of the work I have done over the past twelve years exposing racism and bigotry in the Deep South. I personally decided to wait to post the video clip on Sunday morning, instead of Saturday (when I received it), because, as a Southerner myself, I recognized the distinct possibility that the people who needed to hear the comments the most- that is, the voters of Mississippi- were likely inundated with media coverage about college football. Some may disagree with my decision to wait until Sunday morning. Others may question why the video had not been made public immediately; I cannot speak to that.

Regardless though, in my opinion, questions about timing are ultimately irrelevant; they’re not a legitimate defense of Hyde-Smith. They’re a cynical deflection about what her comments reveal about the casual ways in which far too many white Southerners trivialize the brutalities of racism.

During the past day and a half, I have personally received thousands of responses to the video, but for me, the most meaningful was from Bernice King, the daughter of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.



Language is powerful, and King’s use of the word “blithely” gets much closer to the underlying truth about intentionality. Still, though, it may not be sufficient.

Consider how Hyde-Smith responded after I published the video. Quoting from her written statement (emphasis added):

In a comment on Nov. 2, I referred to accepting an invitation to a speaking engagement. In referencing the one who invited me, I used an exaggerated expression of regard, and any attempt to turn this into a negative connotation is ridiculous.

She not only refuses to apologize; she actually characterizes a reference to lynchings as an “expression of regard” and patronizes those who are understandably offended as “ridiculous.”

The impulse to characterize her comments as a joke, even- and with all due respect to Ms. King- a blithe joke, is based on a belief in a shared sense of common decency. We are all guilty of saying things we regret. We are all capable of uttering something we intend as a joke or as an attempt at levity and failing miserably.

But when decent human beings realize their words inflict harm, they apologize.

That’s not what Hyde-Smith did, however. Instead, she callously disregarded the entire premise that anyone could possibly take offense, and in so doing, she dismissed the essential humanity of millions of African Americans and the experience lived and a legacy inherited by 37% of the population of Mississippi.

Adam Ganucheau and Larrison Campbell of Mississippi Today, which, like The Bayou Brief in Louisiana, serves as its state’s only nonprofit digitally-oriented publication, offer some critically important historical context in their initial report on Hyde-Smith’s comments. Their coverage deserves attention from anyone interested in learning more about the dynamics currently unfolding in the upcoming special election, but this is particularly relevant.  Quoting at length:

For many in Mississippi and beyond, the mention of public hangings stirs memories of Mississippi’s history of racist violence.

The state of Mississippi carried out public hangings for decades as an official method of capital punishment under state law. The last man sentenced to public hanging in Mississippi was Hilton Fortenberry, hanged in 1940 in Jefferson Davis County, according to newspaper archives.

In addition to court-sanctioned hangings, Mississippi has a well-known history of allowing white mobs and citizens to commit extrajudicial lynchings of African Americans. No state saw more lynchings than Mississippi, according to a comprehensive report published by the Montgomery, Ala.-based Equal Justice Initiative. In Mississippi, 654 reported lynchings were conducted, and many of them were public.

“At these often festive community gatherings, large crowds of whites watched and participated in the black victims’ prolonged torture, mutilation, dismemberment, and burning at the stake,” write the authors of the EJI report.

The Associated Press provides more context.

“You would have to be ignorant and not familiar with history, or of a particular mindset that represents a Mississippi that inflicted terrorism on its black citizens,” Brown said. “Either way, she is not fit to represent the folks of Mississippi, either black or white.”

According to the NAACP, 4,743 lynchings occurred in the United States between 1882 and 1968, and nearly 73 percent of the victims were black. Mississippi had 581 during that time — more than any other state.

I must admit that in my very first draft of the tweet containing Hyde-Smith’s remarks, I had written something like, “Sen. Hyde-Smith jokes about public lynchings.” Before I hit send, though, I called a friend of mine and gave him the context. I also asked him a question that had been bothering me.

“How do I know if she was joking?” 

“You don’t,” he said.  

That is why instead the tweet reads, “‘If he invited me to a public hanging, I’d be on the front row’- Sen. Cindy Hyde-Smith says in Tupelo, MS after Colin Hutchinson, cattle rancher, praises her.”   

****

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Why Worry? It’s 25 New Jobs!

A new industry is coming to Vidalia in Concordia Parish – graphite processing.

Australia-based Syrah Resources selected the port site across the Mississippi River from Natchez for the first-ever U.S.-based plant to turn naturally occurring flake graphite from mines in Mozambique into the spherical form in high demand for electrodes in lithium-ion batteries, which power our cell phones, laptops, and electric vehicles.

It means 25 new full-time jobs, at an average salary of $60,000 per year, in the fifth-poorest parish in the state.

That’s the sanitized version, as touted by the state Department of Economic Development this past April 30, when they announced the project .

The reality is far less clean.

This is the third announced location Syrah Resources has considered for a Louisiana plant within the past three years. They started out planning a larger facility in Reserve, in St. John the Baptist Parish, and had even applied to Louisiana Department of Environmental Quality for the air permits needed there. The publicly-stated reason for abandoning that plan was “the parish could not provide the water necessary for the plant.” Curious, since Reserve is located on the east bank of the Mississippi River.

Syrah then set its gaze on Port Manchac, in Tangipahoa Parish. Residents, including small business people, and commercial and recreational fishermen, formed the “Save Manchac Coalition”, objecting to the project.

Within a month of the coalition objecting, the South Tangipahoa Parish Port Commission adopted a resolution rejecting the project, citing “the potential adverse impact to the environment, and the public and private nuisance created by the anticipated operation of the project.”

The plant had planned to discharge an estimated 41,000 gallons of wastewater per day into North Pass, and thence into Lake Maurepas, with the company claiming the wastewater would be “filtered” before its discharge.

In Vidalia, the wastewater will be processed by the city’s sewage treatment plant before it is discharged into the Mississippi River.

But there are still valid environmental worries about embracing this “new industry.”

Graphite is carbon in its most stable mineral form, and is closely related to coal. Once upon a time, it was called plumbago, from the Latin plumbum, or lead. We still refer to it as ‘lead” when it’s in our pencils.

And like coal and lead, graphite poses environmental hazards to air, water, soil, and to people’s health.

Graphite easily crumbles into a fine powder, which is useful as a dry lubricant – such as for door locks. But that powder is so fine that it’s also difficult to control and filter. It floats on water and coats every dry surface it contacts, even permeating the weave of fabrics. And like coal dust, it can cause black lung disease.

Additionally, there have been reports that the graphite Syrah Resources will be shipping from its Mozambique mine to the Louisiana processing facility is contaminated with uranium.

Flake graphite is processed into spherical graphite by grinding the natural material into fine powder, then “purifying” it with either hydrofluoric or hydrochloric acid. Hydrofluoric acid is a highly corrosive contact poison, which can cause respiratory failure and cardiac arrest. Hydrochloric acid forms acidic mists that can cause irreversible respiratory, eye, skin, and intestinal damage. And the graphite powder, when inhaled? Respiratory distress, asthma, black lung.

China is the only place – other than Louisiana, now – permitting graphite anode production. There used to be a graphite processing plant in Bangalore, India. The government there forced it to close down in 2012, finding the plant guilty of criminal “life-threatening” pollution.

“Life-threatening” pollution in Bangalore, India. Photo courtesy indiaenvironmentalportal.org

Residents of the northeastern China provinces where the majority of graphite processing is currently done are suffering with lung diseases, while they also see their crops stunted, their trees dying, and the film of graphite dust floating on their rice fields and waterways.

An October 2, 2016, Washington Post article tells – in explicit detail – the story of the environmental toll graphite processing has taken in China. Villagers told reporters of consistent problems created by the nearby plants: “sparkling night air, damaged crops, homes and belongings covered in soot, polluted drinking water — and government officials inclined to look the other way to benefit a major employer.”

Let’s look at the potential impact – economic and environmental – of adding this “new industry”.

The company is being granted a full industrial tax exemption (ITEP). That’s a 100% exclusion from paying parish property taxes for years, plus the option for another five years, at 80% exclusion. That’s estimated to be a $1.5-million tax break overall.

In the meantime, Vidalia will need to upgrade its sewage and water treatment system, which is estimated to cost at least $5-million. And they’ll have to upgrade the hazmat equipment for firefighters, which carries a $2-million price tag. It will be needed, just in case, based on the information Syrah has previously provided to the state Department of Environmental Quality.

Syrah’s prior DEQ applications for the aborted locations in Louisiana requested permits to discharge 38 tons of particulate matter, 0.93 tons of hydrochloric acid, 0.52 tons of hydrogen fluoride and 0.004 tons of formaldehyde into the air.

That’s 8 pounds of formaldehyde, 1040 pounds of hydrogen fluoride, 1840 pounds of hydrochloric acid, and 76,000 pounds of graphite dust — all to be dissipated by the winds and settle onto the farmlands, waterways and homes of northeast Louisiana.

Just think: 76,000 pounds of (primarily) graphite dust, wind-blown to settle onto the fertile farmlands and timber stands in Louisiana’s Concordia, Catahoula, Tensas, LaSalle, and Avoyelles parishes, along with the Mississippi counties across the river. In Concordia Parish alone, farm production is currently valued at $116-million per year. How will graphite-dusted gray cotton, gritty corn, sooty soybeans impact that sector of the economy

That dust will also fall onto the surface of Concordia parish’s 75 lakes and dozens of bayous, coat and float down the Mississippi, Ouachita, Tensas, Black and Red rivers, that flow through and around the parish. What will that do to fish and game in the Bayou Cocodrie National Wildlife Refuge, Red and Three Rivers Wildlife Management Area, Lake Concordia, Lake St. John, Black River Lake, Horseshoe Lake, and the Atchafalaya Basin?

How will the dust, carried downstream, affect Louisiana’s already-vanishing coastal marshlands? How will it impact the spread and effects of the annual Dead Zone in the Gulf?

And although Vidalia Mayor Buz Craft has said, “There was a lot of homework done on this,” as he announced support for the project this spring, precious little has been said about one of the greatest risks of locating the graphite plant at the port of Vidalia: flooding.

In the 1927 flood, all of Concordia Parish went under water. And while the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers ultimately completed a ring of levees around the parish in the 1950s, they haven’t always held against subsequent major flooding events.

Vidalia riverfront, during the 2011 flood.
 Photo courtesy: LA Dept. of Wildlife and Fisheries

In the 2011 Mississippi River spring flood — despite additional higher levee reinforcement, topped by Hesko baskets – put the Vidalia riverfront under water.

In the winter months of early 2016, 10 to 20 inches of rainfall induced flooding behind the levees, as well as on the rivers, requiring disaster declarations and FEMA assistance for recovery across much of northeast Louisiana.

How much water-borne graphite pollution would a flooding event spread– and how far?

And what effect would flooding have on other chemicals used at the plant?

At a May 16, 2018, public information meeting, environmental scientist Wilma Subra, former member of several EPA Advisory Councils, informed area citizens about the chemicals that will be stored and used on the premises.

“Storage tanks at the facility will consist of aqueous solutions of hydrochloric acid and hydrofluoric acid and neutralization tanks containing slaked lime in water,” she said, reading from the specs the company had previously filed with DEQ and the EPA.

Hydrochloric acid, also known as muriatic acid, is used to clean and etch metals, treating swimming pool water, and for toilet bowl cleaners. It cannot be stored in metal tanks, because it is so corrosive. Hydrofluoric acid is also known as the “flesh-eating acid.” And “slaked lime” is another name for calcium hydroxide, also known as caustic lime. It’s a strong alkali, needed to neutralize the extremely strong acids used in this graphite production process.

What happens when those chemicals also join the graphite in floodwaters?

Why worry? It’s a whole “new industry” for us, and it’s creating 25 jobs!